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Category: Excerpts
Bad Signs for Business

A recent Ahram Online article provides the reasons for negative economic growth assessments for Egypt, discussed at the 20th annual Euromoney conference in Cairo:
- Only 6% of companies have a loan or line of credit
- Necessary collateral 33% higher than world average
- 97% of businesses employ less than ten people
- Informal sector represents 30% of economy and 40% of labor
Read the full article for explanations about why these statistics are disheartening. But on top of revolutionary and terrorist issues scaring away both tourism and foreign investment, the national base itself is not easily mobilized for growth. The conference’s opinion is that much internal reform and structural adjustment is necessary.
Two Wings of the Brotherhood
The text has 75 footnotes. Samuel Tadros of the Hudson Institute has dutifully followed the internal power struggle consuming the Muslim Brotherhood since the fall of Morsi. It is a long read, but he ties the strands together in a compelling narrative.
The thrust is that there are two competing wings, an old guard that wants to protect the principle of peacefulness — if only to maintain a longstanding international reputation. Beneath their leadership are the youth bent on revenge for the sufferings of Rabaa and continued demonstrations.
The latter, he writes, have been imbued with a heavy dose of ‘revolutionary Salafism’, pushing conflict with the regime. And with so many leaders imprisoned, it is very difficult to maintain the traditional system of cohesiveness and obedience. The split has not taken place, but it is brewing.
So here is Tadros’ summary of the two sides. It very important to keep in mind when listening to these talking points repeated in media discourse about Egypt:
At the heart of the Brotherhood crisis sit two competing visions. Neither side can claim a coherent strategy. The old guard believes that the Egyptian regime should be given a chance to implode on its own.
In this view, a combination of economic decline, security failure, and growing discontent will lead either to self-destruction, an internal coup, or Western intervention by pressuring for reconciliation.58 To maintain momentum, demonstrations need to continue even if they do not produce immediate results.
Simultaneously, the Brotherhood needs to keep the pressure on the West by warning that the fate of Iraq and Syria awaits Egypt if they don’t move. By maintaining a semblance of non-violence, the Brotherhood can continue to claim that it is the moderate alternative to the Islamic State. It is betting on time and changing regional dynamics, especially a rapprochement between Turkey and Saudi Arabia under King Salman.59
On the opposite side, the new leadership, and behind it the Brotherhood’s rank and file, believes that only by bleeding the regime can it be brought to its knees.
…
A regional deal is precisely what they fear as it would mean that all their sacrifices would have been in vain and their tormentors would not be punished. Their war with the regime is no longer about Morsi and the coup; in fact, Sisi’s removal would solve nothing for them. Instead, the struggle is an ideological one between Islam and apostasy, between right and wrong, between them and the “Army of Camp David” and its “Zionist masters.” Such a struggle stems from a worldview that allows no compromise.
From well informed research, Tadros puts forward speculation that is well fitting within the reputation of the Brotherhood. Perhaps the leadership is ok with this division.
Earlier in his text he wrote of the discourse during the sit-in at Rabaa:
The mixing of Islamists had an effect on the speeches. Speakers, in English, portrayed the struggle as one of democracy against a coup while others, in Arabic, cast the struggle in the language of jihad. This was not merely the Brotherhood’s famous two discourses in two languages, but the result of genuine confusion and disorientation.
In order to maintain the organization of the Brotherhood, but perhaps also in strategy, they tried to hold the two wings together:
Besides, the leadership could have it both ways. Officially, the Brotherhood would not claim violent acts and maintain its pledge to nonviolence; in reality, the special units would bleed the regime to death. The new slogan, “All that is below bullets is peacefulness,” replaced the old slogan, “Our peacefulness is stronger than bullets.”
After all, as a Brotherhood member lamented, “our peacefulness is not stronger than bullets.”38 Allowing the special units to conduct these attacks would hurt the regime without committing the whole group to the path of violence. 39 The calculation would prove mistaken as violence spiraled out of control.
But does he know this was a calculation? It is fitting and logical, but toward the conclusion where he speculates, ‘The Brotherhood may still hope to have it both ways,’ he provides evidence that seems more like an organization in confusion:
Before the clash, the Brotherhood’s statement endorsing jihad in Arabic on January 27 was removed from its website; and the group issued a statement three days later, in English, denouncing violence.63
On May 17, Mohamed Montaser called for a revolution to cut heads. Following his statement committing to the revolutionary path on May 28, he seemed to backtrack on June 25 by calling on the Brotherhood youth to be careful not to slip into a cycle of violence.64
His shift was in response to the horror of the Revolutionary Punishment’s assassination of a civilian which it accused of cooperating with the regime,65 and a realization that such acts would tie the Brotherhood to violence and end any prospect of the Brotherhood regaining public support.
The shift was short-lived, however. Following the regime’s liquidation of nine Brotherhood leaders on July 1, Montaser released a statement that declared “the Muslim Brotherhood affirms that the assassination of its leaders is a turning point that has ramifications and by which the criminal, Abdel Fattah al-Sisi, founded a new phase in which there cannot be control on the anger of the oppressed segments that will not accept to die in their homes and between their families.”66
An organization in confusion also fits with Tadros’ thesis. But to what degree is Brotherhood leadership — to the extent it exists — engaging in conscious Machiavellian politics?
Other analysts follow the same footnoted evidence and conclude that the youth can no longer be controlled by a leadership that remains peaceful and moderate. Tadros also writes that the Brotherhood pyramid has been inverted, with the base dragging leaders along. But advocates of ‘reconciliation’ who believe that inclusion of Brotherhood-style political Islam is necessary for the stability of Egypt seem to grab this fact in hope that the situation can be redeemed. They lament the ‘coup’ and the failure not only of the Arab Spring, but also of their analysis of integration. Consider this section of a long essay by Marc Lynch, compellingly defending the foreign policy of President Obama:
Obama came to office intending to defeat al Qaeda with a lighter footprint, through drone strikes, partnerships with local allies, and the cultivation of more moderate Islamist groups. He understood the nuances of intra-Islamist politics and seized the opportunity to divide the mainstream of Islamism from al Qaeda and stop the spiral toward a clash of civilizations.
…
Obama’s willingness to work with the Muslim Brotherhood following Mubarak’s fall was a departure from decades of U.S. policy and the strongest signal Obama ever sent that the United States believes in democracy regardless of who wins. By early 2012, Obama’s policies on Islamism were proving successful.
Lynch then blames the coup and anti-Brotherhood Gulf propaganda as being the primary catalysts of current Islamist violence. Surely there is a contributing effect.
But Brotherhood literature has long imbued adherents with the worldview of ‘a clash of civilizations’ — just not now. And as Tadros’ essay details, even in 2012 the Brotherhood’s primary allies were Salafis, whose strident ideology is now convincing the ideologically vacuous Brotherhood that the priority of pragmatism — and with it the adoption of peacefulness — was a wrongheaded betrayal of the principle of jihad, to which they paid only lip service.
Lynch’s analysis is astute, but does he understand the nature of the Brotherhood? Or only of part of it, the part he hopes can be peacefully integrated into the world system providing an escape from instability, autocracy, and the ever present call for the US to re-intervene militarily. Who would not want such an outcome, and the Brotherhood seemed to promise it.
Only as time is now telling, as Tadros seems to suggest, that only part of the Brotherhood promised it. Let there be all sympathy for the Brotherhood in their trial. They are under tremendous pressure. It is amazing how their organization is still holding together, and a testament to their belief and commitment.
But it is only when a man is tested that his true colors show. And for a very large section of the Brotherhood, they witness that peacefulness was a means to an end. Under pressure, they strike back. Very natural, of course. But also very ugly. Just watch their satellite programming.
Have they suffered human rights abuses? Most certainly. Have they been cheated? Of course. At the least they were outmaneuvered.
But all their appeals in English lose sympathy when the Arabic is read. But is this their internal decision and strategy, or the flailings of an organization in chaos? Even after reading Tadros, I’m not sure. Even he is cautious between deductions and assertions.
Do the talking points meet in a coherent conspiracy-theory whole? As one wing warns of state collapse and a Syria scenario, is the other wing working to make the threat real?
You be the judge, but let 75 footnotes guide you along the way.
The Duel of Drawing Egypt’s Future
What will Egypt one day look like? Declaring this future, and drawing it visually, is one way to secure authority. This is a view put forward by Mada Masr, discussing the plans for the new Egyptian capital to replace Cairo.



The presentation thus stands not only for a city, but for a whole world — and not merely a better or a greener world, but also a world that is ultra-organized, a world where everything on both the macro- and micro-scale follows a single abstract plan that blatantly encompasses everything.
During the presentation, however, very little was said about the viability of this world. Questions of whether it’s financially feasible, or whether it’s actually going to be functional, or even liked by those who are going to inhabit it, were not addressed. There were only speculative abstract graphics, but they were enough to convince the audience of the achievability of this imaginary world, give it a material existence, and make it somehow immediately graspable.
The maps and images had such a potent make-believe effect that the value of properties located within several dozen kilometers of the proposed city spiked out of proportion just a few minutes after the press release was issued.
The article goes on to show a similar promotional effort in the 1970s to create Sadat City. Between Cairo and Alexandria, at the time it was also designed to be a new administrative capital. Sadat City exists, but in pale reality to the original promise.
Mada Masr is worried the new capital city project is more of the same.
The government’s growing interest photoshopped maps, architectural visualizations, video promos and professional presentations might simply be good PR campaigning, but it’s also part of a ruling paradigm. These plans, drawings, maps, images, videos, presentations and other visual media about grand schemes for a new Egypt are in fact some of the ways in which the authority produces itself, rather than being a mere product of the regime.
If so, the same effort to inspire and hold morale is witnessed in the Muslim Brotherhood. Here, the visual future is in the form of a grand museum to honor the hundreds killed while dispersing the pro-Morsi sit-in at Rabaa al-Adawiya mosque in Cairo.
Also from Mada Masr:
The Rabaa Story website is sleek and glossy, with infographics detailing the number of people who died during the dispersal (though without clearly identifying sources), pictures of victims, videos promoting the second year anniversary and blurbs telling people to mobilize “on the street” and make videos promoting awareness of the anniversary, and even plans for a museum.
But both the website and the Ikhwanweb twitter account appear to be reaching out and appealing to an international audience. Almost all the promotional material is in English, even the hashtag representing the campaign, and none of the promotional material is religious in nature — instead, it focuses on human rights violations.
…
When it comes to how the public side of the Muslim Brotherhood remembers Rabaa, the focus appears to be on getting the notice of the international English-speaking community — a community which, as shown by recent condemnatory statements from foreign rights groups, has already proven sympathetic to their narrative.
Image projection is powerful. Mada Masr finds that both sides in the standoff realize this, and are — in these examples — appealing to the hopes of a core constituency.
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US Behind ISIS?
Here in Egypt the conspiracy thinking is strong that the United States, or at least her allies in the region, are a force behind the emergence of the so-called Islamic State.
From the London Review of Books, here is some of the evidence. Fortunately, the author also deals with it along the conspiracy spectrum:
His book went to press before he could take account of the extraordinary revelation that US intelligence had anticipated the rise of Islamic State nearly two years before it happened.
On 18 May, a document from the US Defense Intelligence Agency dated 12 August 2012 was published by a conservative watchdog organisation called Judicial Watch, which had managed to obtain this and other formerly classified documents through a federal lawsuit.
The document not only anticipates the rise of IS but seems to suggest it would be a desirable development from the point of view of the international ‘coalition’ seeking regime change in Damascus. Here are the key passages:
7b. Development of the current events into proxy war … Opposition forces are trying to control the eastern areas (Hasaka and Der Zor), adjacent to the western Iraqi provinces (Mosul and Anbar), in addition to neighbouring Turkish borders. Western countries, the Gulf states and Turkey are supporting these efforts. This hypothesis is most likely in accordance with the data from recent events, which will help prepare safe havens under international sheltering, similar to what transpired in Libya when Benghazi was chosen as the command centre of the temporary government …
8c. If the situation unravels there is the possibility of establishing a declared or undeclared Salafist principality in eastern Syria (Hasaka and Der Zor), and this is exactly what the supporting powers to the opposition want, in order to isolate the Syrian regime.
So American intelligence saw IS coming and was not only relaxed about the prospect but, it appears, positively interested in it. The precise formula used in paragraph 8c is intriguing. It doesn’t talk of ‘the possibility that Isis might establish a Salafist principality’ but of ‘the possibility of establishing’ a Salafist principality. So who was to be the prime mover in this process? Did IS have a state backing it after all?
The second piece of evidence is less direct, but comes from a 2006 map of the ‘New Middle East’ published in the Armed Forces Journal. It draws boundaries for an Arab Shia state, an Arab Sunni state, Syria, and Kurdistan.
Here is the author’s interpretation:
What we can make of this is, of course, unclear. At one extreme, conspiracy theorists will argue that it supports their claim that the Western powers have been deliberately creating chaos for unavowable reasons of their own.
At the other end of the spectrum, one could hypothesise that the DIA document may have been read by four unimportant people in Washington and ignored by everyone else.
In the middle, showing more respect for the DIA, we could imagine something else: the possibility that, in 2012, American and other Western intelligence services saw Isis much as they saw Jabhat al-Nusra and other jihadi groups, as useful auxiliaries in the anti-Assad drive, and could envisage its takeover of north-eastern Syria as a helpful development with no worrying implications.
If Islamic State escaped whatever influence Western intelligence services may initially have sought to have on it and went its own way, this means that people have been playing with fire.
I don’t pretend to know what the truth is. But there is no need to prove malign intent on the part of the Western powers. The most charitable theory available, ‘the eternally recurring colossal cock-up’ theory of history, will do well enough.
It is a very long but thorough article, stretching from the Mamluke era to Sykes-Picot through last century’s cycle of Arab revolutions and coup d’etats, up to the current day. His conclusion is that if the Western world wants to defeat the Islamic State, it must do so through the Syrian army, at least temporarily with Assad at the helm.
It makes for a good read, and also drives you crazy. Just realize that Arab conspiracy theorists are right there with you, and have suffered far more than we who can read the London Review of Books.
Remember the Captive Assyrian Christians
There is so much bad news, often repeated, that five months later it is easy to forget. On February 23, 253 Assyrian Christians from the Hassaka area of Syria were taken captive by the so-called Islamic State.
Unlike others, they were not executed for propaganda. It appears the jihadis desire ransom instead.
On March 1, a group of mostly elderly captives were released. Al-Monitor was able to secure an interview with one of them, describing their conditions. She is presently in Lebanon with her daughter’s family.
Al-Monitor: Where did they take you afterward, and how were you treated?
Assyrian: The first thing they did was to separate the men from the women. Children under 11 years old would stay with the women. From that moment on, we never saw the men and boys again. We were allowed, however, to send letters over to the men and receive theirs. They crammed all of us into a room with a single window. There was so little room we would take turns lying down to sleep. We would take turns by the window to breathe better.
Al-Monitor: You spent over four months in these conditions. How did you and the other women survive? Did you suffer physical abuse by IS while in captivity?
Assyrian: I am an elderly woman. What I feared, what we all feared, was abuse to the girls. Fortunately, that did not happen. We lived in the constant fear of it but while I was there we were not beaten, nor were there other forms of physical abuse. The psychological fear was tremendous. We were all held together in the same room: all women and children up to age 11. We slept very little and were constantly trying to cover our faces from the captors. We prayed six times a day. This gave us hope.
She describes most of her captors as local Syrians, though there were foreigners among them. She described a particularly poignant ritual:
An IS jihadist would come to the room where we were kept hostage every Saturday and tell us that if we agreed to convert, we would be set free. It became a ritual, every week on Saturday. One day a jihadist directed this offer to me and, debilitated and exhausted, I answered, “Look at me, I could be your mother. You stay with your religion and I stay with mine.”
In our group no one accepted the IS “offer” to convert to be freed. But we knew that those who put up physical resistance from other villages were killed.
When released, she was driven by truck to a nearby church. The priest offered money to pay for her transport, which was first refused, then accepted.
This seems like an odd detail, but it fits with the Arab culture as we know it. One must first refuse an offer of payment, after which it is received when insisted upon. It speaks to the deep patterns of behavior that persist, even under great stress and upheaval.
I wonder if it might also speak to the dignity of the Christians, insisting on behaving as equals, according to cultural norms, even when receiving back a captive.
Whether or not this is true, the article concludes with a priest in Lebanon joining the elderly Assyrian woman in lamenting how the world neglects them:
Georgio: We receive no support. We feel completely abandoned. I try to support the Assyrian refugees with my church but there were a total of 1,400 families at a time, between those who fled from Mosul in Iraq and from Syria. It was impossible to provide the needed support to everyone. Europe is silent, not hearing our pleas for help.
Al-Monitor: How are you able to live here in Lebanon? Do you have family here, or do you have the help of the Assyrian community here?
Assyrian: I am lucky to have one of my daughters here. She moved to Lebanon years ago and lives here with her family. I live with her at her house. We receive some help from the Assyrian community. Father Georgio helps us. We do not receive any help from the government or from other institutions dealing with refugees.
Ah, but what can be done? At the least, remember.
The Brotherhood Admits Mistakes?

Writing in Carnegie, Nathan Brown and Michelle Dunne say that the Muslim Brotherhood has survived the crackdown and reconstituted itself both inside and outside of Egypt.
Though severely weakened, opportunity has emerged for a new, more youthful generation of leadership that has conducted an internal review of policies during the revolutionary period.
Both before but especially after Morsi’s fall, Brotherhood leaders would admit ‘mistakes’, but not say what they were specifically. Now, there appears to be a list. It surfaces from private conversations the authors have had, so perhaps it is not yet official. But it mirrors the critique consistently directed to the Brotherhood by their one-time non-Islamist partners in revolution:
The substance of the self-critique within the Brotherhood, put forward assertively by younger members, is simply this: the leadership failed to recognize that 2011 was a real revolution in Egyptian society and to act accordingly.
Brotherhood leaders did not make common cause with those who wanted real change, and instead they opted to gain entry to the Egyptian state through rapid elections (agreed upon with the Supreme Council of the Armed Forces that held control after Mubarak) and then tried to bring about modest reforms—a plan that failed abysmally. “We failed to build on the profound values that emerged during the revolution,” said one young Islamist, “Instead of taking needed time with the transition, we went for superficial political solutions.”
Another added, “It was a problem to move toward elections so quickly, as many parts of the revolution were not represented in the political process.” Youth leaders spoke with regret of compatriots from other parts of the ideological spectrum who were left in the dust as the Brotherhood rushed to reap the reward of elections, only to come up against the immoveable object of the Egyptian state.
The revolution was “not Islamic” and “nonideological,” older and younger interlocutors agreed. One senior Brotherhood member noted with regret that “the Brotherhood had a certain project for a century and tried to implement it after 2011, failing to realize that it was no longer suitable for a nation in revolution.”
The Brotherhood was unable to adapt quickly enough to this need for “broad platforms based on values,” said the senior member, which would have required abandoning a long-standing dogma that the movement was responsible for “carrying the load on behalf of the nation.”
Brotherhood leaders look back at their decision, when Morsi faced increasing, vociferous secular challenges, to tack right and ally with Salafists against secular forces in the parliament elected in early 2012 as a disaster; “This was not what the revolution wanted,” said one. The more revolutionary path would have taken on serious restructuring of powerful institutions—for example, reforming the security sector and civilian bureaucracy—but the Brotherhood opted to placate them.
The Carnegie article is long but worth reading — a walk-through of the last few years. At times it seems overly charitable to the Brotherhood, downplaying Beltagi’s comment about terrorist violence in Sinai, and treating as somewhat marginal the violent rhetoric on Turkey-based satellite channels connected to or sympathetic with the Brotherhood.
But it is an analysis that is well-informed from authors who do their homework. As to what to make of the Brotherhood’s self-critique, and what it means for the movement’s, and Egypt’s, future:
As one of the oldest and most influential Islamist groups in the world, the Muslim Brotherhood bears close watching as it, and Egypt, hurtle toward an uncertain future whose shock waves will be felt throughout the Middle East, Africa, and the Islamic world.
That is, unless, things stay calm. The shock waves then might be in the world of Islamism, but the authors seem to assume there are greater surprises to come.
Update: It is obvious the authors have spoken with many sources in the Brotherhood, and the reputation of the authors gives credibility that, though not mentioned by name or position, these sources are indicative of the group’s main streams.
But is it really true the Brotherhood now sees it as a mistake to have allied with the Salafis at the expense of original liberal revolutionary leaders? If they see the revolution as non-Islamic and nonideological, why do so many of their voices clamor for jihad and paint retribution in Islamic terms? Why did they bring in Wagdy Ghoneim, of all people, to support their Egypt Call project?
Brown and Dunne are established scholars. Brown in particular has tracked the Brotherhood incendiary discourse. Why do they believe these voices over the others?
The Brotherhood needs allies. Whatever self-critique it is engaging in, I suspect it is substantial. But I do not imagine they call a mistake their use of targeted language to targeted audiences. It continues all the same.
How Morsi Could Still be President

This article from Reuters details a deal that was in place, brokered by the EU with the opposition, that was spurned by Morsi and the Muslim Brotherhood, two months before he was pushed from power:
Under a compromise crafted in months of shuttle diplomacy by EU envoy Bernardino Leon, six secular opposition parties would have recognized Mursi’s legitimacy and agreed to participate in parliamentary elections they had threatened to boycott.
In return, Mursi would have agreed to replace Prime Minister Hisham Kandil and five key ministers to form a technocratic national unity cabinet, sack a disputed prosecutor general and amend the election law to satisfy Egypt’s constitutional court.
The article does not mention the ‘five key ministers’, but the guess is that they were the Brotherhood appointees in charge of influential posts in education, information, supply, and the like. The former prosecutor general was fired and the new one appointed in a process contrary to the constitution Morsi swore to uphold.
But the negotiations didn’t work:
People familiar with the talks said Saad el-Katatni, leader of the Brotherhood’s political wing, helped negotiate the deal but could not sell it to Mursi and key Brotherhood leaders.
A very important caveat:
Mursi, Katatni and senior aides are detained by the army at unknown locations and cannot tell their side of the story.
However, right until the moment the military toppled him on July 3, the president went on proclaiming his electoral legitimacy and showed no signs of willingness to share power.
Of course by right he did not need to. But this report indicates opposition efforts to work with Morsi were not just cover for an eventual ‘coup’:
On that trip, Ashton also met armed forces commander General Abdel Fattah al-Sisi, the man who led the military intervention to oust Mursi. Participants said Sisi had also supported the EU initiative, saying the army did not want to intervene in politics and would welcome a broader national consensus.
“Contrary to what the Brotherhood is saying now, the army did its best to keep Mursi in office,” one participant said.
The full story is yet to be written, but if accurate this report provides important details from behind the scenes.
Debate: Genocide for Syria’s Alawites?
If you think American news is polarized, check out al-Jazeera. If you think American news pushes boundaries and aims to shape a narrative, check out al-Jazeera.
If you think news in general reflects the attitudes of its audience, then God have mercy, check out al-Jazeera.
I remember many years ago, when the channel was first becoming known to American audiences, I defended its professionalism and boldness to give voice to opposition figures often excluded by government and traditional media.
Since then the accusations have piled on that al-Jazeera is little more than a tool for Qatari foreign policy. Even journalists jailed in Egypt rail against the unprofessionalism and bias of the station.
But this video reaches a new low. The transcription is not complete, but it is fair. It is a heated debate on whether or not a minority religious segment in Syria should be wiped out entirely.
To be noted: al-Jazeera selects a Christian to defend the Alawites, further aiding the sectarian nature of discussion. Also to be noted, Syrian president Bashar al-Assad comes from the Alawite community, which stands strongly behind his continued rule.
Thank God the debates in America are about gun control or marriage equality. But there is also a worrying fringe debate, creeping into the mainstream, against Muslims in general. God spare America this development. Look at al-Jazeera, and Syria, for the alternative.
Video via the Clarion Project. Click here if there is any difficulty in accessing the clip.

If you read this headline you might hope they intend it to lead in one of two directions. First, as a call to the government to stop persecuting peaceful movements. Second, as a call to their own violent wing, to keep Egypt from such a scenario.
Unfortunately, you would be wrong, according to this voice – unnamed – in a recent analysis by Sada on the post-pacifist Brotherhood.
The way many Brotherhood leaders are framing this is that if there is a war between society and the state, and if the society has taken a stance, the Muslim Brotherhood should not hinder society’s fight for freedom.
“We should not stand silent in this battle,” said an Istanbul-based consultant for the newly-elected executive bureau. “The vacuum should be filled by a powerful organization, and we will not repeat the mistakes of the Syrian Muslim Brotherhood (SMB),” he added.
The consultant was referring to the fact that the SMB lost their support in Syria because they distanced themselves from the chaos during the early stages of the revolution.
Whoever this voice is, he appears well-placed and influential. And potentially, a menace.
In 2012 the Syrian Muslim Brotherhood issued a covenant and charter in which they laid out their post-Assad vision. Early on they were politically influential.
But they also joined in the violence. Apparently, they weren’t good enough at it. After suffering considerable losses they now appear to be a negligible force on the ground.
The Egyptian Brotherhood, according to this consultant, might be seeking to get ahead in the game. That is, it seems, to become influential in insurrection.
The Muslim Brotherhood appears to be an organization in flux and much internal dissent. The unnamed consultant’s open-ended phrasing should not be taken as definitive. But it is terribly disconcerting. For the record, Yehia Hamed, former investment minister under Morsi, denies there is a trend within the Brotherhood that wishes to arm the revolution.
But according to this article in Carnegie, there is indeed a trend though in substantial minority status:
In addition, the proportion of members within the Brotherhood who want to bear arms appears to be relatively small. In a survey held at a meeting of the Brotherhood’s youth cadres in one of the Egyptian governorates, less than 30 out of 300 members who attended the meeting were in favor of armed action. The others preferred to continue their work on the ground using nonviolent means.
Egypt’s current difficulties are the fault of many. But until now Egypt has avoided the fate of its neighbors in Syria, Libya, and Iraq. The Brotherhood, even here, does not seem to be wishing to turn Egypt into a quagmire. Their argued justification might be that if it can be in the forefront of a militant rebellion, it can keep it from transforming into an Islamic State nightmare.
But that they would even take a step in this direction betrays all the rhetoric of ‘peacefulness’ issued from the start of the revolution. It shows it as a tactic, not a conviction. It wants to lead, and at least as this consultant is concerned, it is willing to lead in violence if necessary.
Many Egyptian anti-Islamists have long argued this is the nature of the Muslim Brotherhood. But their pacifistic political participation has been the norm for decades. I don’t think the West and the academic community was wrong to discount it out of hand.
But perhaps their behavior in Syria spoke otherwise, and no one was listening.

The title of this post summarizes the opinion of an article in International Policy Digest, describing two main camps among Sisi’s power base. Both the military/institutions of state and the business/media/political elite are used to cooperating, but are so used to the rules of the old game they don’t realize the world has changed.
As such, they take bizarre decisions that — in support of Sisi — only serve to undermine him. One prominent example:
An example of that is the appointment of the prominent Egyptian scientist, Dr. Essam Heggy, as an advisor to Egypt’s interim president. Dr. Heggy’s appointment coincided with the scientific scandal in the Egyptian army which claimed to possess (false) medical invention to treats AIDS and Hepatitis C which was supposed to enhance Sisi’s image locally and internationally.
Dr. Heggy harshly criticized the disreputable invention. As a result he was accused by the institutions of being an American spy, a member of the Muslim Brotherhood member and of undermining Egypt’s national security.
The crux of their argument:
In the past, institutions functioned under the authoritarian command of Mubarak whose regime was experienced in handling their behavior. But in Sisi’s case, the rampant level of delinquency and irrationality that surrounds his regime runs counter to his interests. He is simply unable to control them for multiple reasons that could vary from lack of will to his inability to realize the problem itself.
Sisi himself is a product of those institutions. He was raised, educated and is an integral part of their doctrine so chances that he realizes the fatality of these flaws – let alone the need to reform them – remains slim.
This article hits at a theme that has long plagued analysis of the Egyptian scene. Since 2011, in lieu of facts I have struggled to wade through conspiracy theories because a common axiom was so consistently violated by so many players: Do not act contrary to your own interests.
One question is fair: Blindness is possible, but is Sisi’s house really so inept? One could argue that Egypt has navigated great social upheaval relatively well in effort of securing the most important locus of support — domestic. Even if academics, activists, and idealists groan.
But another question is necessary: Does Sisi not know? I would guess he fully realizes the nature of Egyptian bureaucracy and is working to instill fresh blood.
If the author’s thesis is correct, he still may not be able to do so, as Egyptian institutions guard their independence and the new constitution weakened the traditional centrality of the state. But it could also be it is not fully time yet. If he needs all on his side, then how can he slice through a bloated bureaucracy?
But look at the steps taken on subsidies. Look at the reform of the bread market. Look at the appointment of civilian governors. The author is ignoring difficult decisions neglected by previous administrations.
Then again, look at the introduction of coal. Look at the absence of a parliament. And analysts say the army is better equipped for traditional conflict than it is for fighting a terrorist insurgency. It is a very mixed bag.
But is it not time yet? That is not Sisi’s spoken perception. Upon his election he asked for two years to get the Egyptian house in order. The clock is ticking, but he is aware of its hands. He constantly demands something be done now, very contrary to Egyptian culture.
But through it all there are still few facts, and not enough transparency, so the article remains plausible even as it ends with its own conspiratorial prediction, though one more easily swallowed by academics, activists, and idealists:
Sisi’s regime will only recognize this fatality when the international community further downgrades his posture and when Egyptians run out of patience and recognize that no single progress has been made in any field including security – which was a prime reason why people voted for Sisi. By then, it will certainly be too late for him to reform or repair the damage.
Your thoughts?

Opinions on the Muslim Brotherhood tend to diverge into relatively hardline camps. One says they are an extremist organization willing to utilize violence. They other says they are a reformist organization willing to utilize democracy.
Academic public opinion in the West tends to lean toward the latter. The Egyptian government is aggressively pushing the former. The Egyptian public is notoriously hard to measure, but it is quite clear the Brotherhood has lost much of their soft, sympathetic support after a failed year in power.
Which makes continued Western support all the more important to Brotherhood survival. Michael Wahid Hanna, writing for the Century Foundation, says that due to Brotherhood choices even this is now at risk.
With leaders abroad or in prison, he writes, the youth are radicalizing and the organization must adapt to maintain its coherence:
The Brothers have spent decades normalizing their domestic and international political standing, largely overcoming their past endorsements and employment of political violence. This reputation is now clearly at risk, despite their oft-repeated mantra that “our peacefulness is stronger than their bullets.”
As Morsi was threatened to be removed as president, the Brotherhood risked all, betting on both popular and international support. While core domestic support remains strong, it was not enough to overcome both massive protests and the machinations of state apparatus. And whatever international support the Brotherhood possessed was not able to intervene directly to prevent events as witnessed today.
But still the Brotherhood bet continues, and here is the consequence:
Instead, the Brotherhood’s public statements have explicitly endorsed the legitimacy of all forms of resistance against the repression of the regime, opening the door to further radicalization. A unilateral, sectarian, and radicalizing challenge to the state is out of step with the national mood.
This is particularly so as the Brotherhood strategy proceeds in parallel to the actions of more militant actors and appears to understand such violence as a necessary ingredient to their efforts to bring about regime failure. In this sense, the Muslim Brotherhood will be tainted by militant actions, even if they are not the responsible party.
Both sides are now tied to a destructive dance that will be hard to pull back from. One Brotherhood leader, Ashraf Abdel Ghaffar, recently claimed on air that blowing up electricity pylons is part of the ‘peaceful’ struggle.
On the other hand, the Brotherhood’s Gamal Abdel Sattar said that their group is a ‘safety valve’, without which there would be outright civil war.
But then again, their Gamal Heshmat urged Egyptians not to fulfill their mandatory national military service, saying the army kills its own people. There was no comment on how a depleted army would resist terrorism.
So beyond what these statements will do to their domestic standing, for Hanna, here is the rub:
For the Brothers, however, these steps threaten to undermine their international reputation and bona fides as a legitimate political actor.
All sides have questions to ask themselves, but for the Brotherhood, is this the outcome they desire? Or, is one of the two choices above correct in actuality? What do you think?
This Guardian article contains explosively frank quotes from leading Egyptian media personalities, about how they openly support the regime and seek to sway public opinion. Here is a sample:
“I would say anything the military tells me to say out of duty and respect for the institution,” says Ahmed Moussa, one of the most popular TV presenters in Egypt.
Sharing Moussa’s sense of duty towards the military is the veteran talk show host Mahmoud Saad, from Al-Nahar TV. “The military should never, ever, ever be covered,” he says, shaking his head. “You have to let them decide what to say and when to say it. You don’t know what will hurt national security.”
But it’s also the power to influence people that appeals to him, he says. “It’s a beautiful feeling knowing that when you swing right,” he says as he swivels his upper body right, “the people will swing right. “And when you swing left,” he goes on, swivelling in the opposite direction “the people will swing left.”
El-Watan reporter Ahmed Ghoniem says owning media outlets “comes in handy if you get into any kind of trouble and have to pressure the government”. But no owner completely “unleashes his journalists” on the government, he says.
“No one has ever made me say something I didn’t want to say, but they have made me not say what I wanted to say,” says the TV presenter Mahmoud Saad.
But not all agree:
“Claims of oppression are just a trend,” CBC’s Khairy Ramadan says. “Anyone who says they are under pressure is a liar.”
ONtv’s Youssef el-Husseiny goes further, claiming that the authorities would like the press to be balanced, but it’s journalists themselves who are the ones resisting. Sisi, el-Husseiny claims, personally asked him where his government’s opposition is: “Where are the other voices? Is everyone a supporter [of mine]?”
Other media figures — outside Egypt — take an opposite track, criticizing the regime and accusing it of monolithic control of the state.
The question is fair for both: Are they serving an active agenda, or do they reflect personal motivation either for or against the regime? Or, are they simply correct in their assessment?
Most recently within Egypt, the Journalist Syndicate has publicly criticized a draft law that threatens journalists with two years in prison for reporting terrorism news in contradiction with official statements. The immediate occasion was the terrorist assault in Sinai. Western press outlets reported 60-70 soldiers dead; the military stated 17.
Here is how SalamaMoussa interpreted the coverage:
When hundreds of fighters allied with the so-called Islamic State streamed into the Sinai border village of Sheikh Zwayd, there were few reporters to document the situation. The notorious murderousness of these men, as well as restrictions from the Egyptian government, had understandably depleted the pool of reporters there. This did not stop the filing of many reports in the Western press, nor of many journalists taking to the social media to comment on the unobserved scene.
He described how beyond the numbers, reporting missed the actual story. In the face of an Islamic State attack, the army did not turn tails and flee — as happened so frequently in Iraq.
There was some reason for the Egyptian government to be miffed at this, but in typical fashion, it compounded the problem by attempting to shape the narrative and intimidate the reporters. It thus shifted the attention from the shortcomings of the reporting to that of its own.
Here is his frustrated conclusion:
An unsolicited advice to the Egyptian government is to “chill out.” To the Western press, I offer no advice. These are the things we hold sacred; that no government should muzzle the press, that no reader should believe newsprint blindly; that news is a product where the tires must be kicked, the fabric handled and the package sniffed; and that men, both wise and foolish, should await facts before filing reports.
It is difficult to interpret Egypt and how it operates. Analysis is plentiful, and bias is natural. Unfortunately facts are often lost in the political struggle.
But at least on the pro-regime side, the Guardian article gives raw material for evaluation — let the reader judge.
And if the reader wishes to pray for Egyptian journalism, here is my best offering.
Egypt and FIFA
First off, congratulations to the USA for winning the Women’s World Cup. But with corruption allegations throwing FIFA into a tailspin, here are some interesting tidbits from Egypt. First, on the nation’s resistance to corruption, said to cost it the 2010 World Cup. From Ahram Online:
Egypt refused to pay a $7 million bribe to ex-FIFA Vice-President Jack Warner to help Egypt win its bid to host the 2010 World Cup, former sports minister Aley Eddine Helal said on Thursday.
Egypt dramatically lost their bid to host the 2010 tournament, after failing to obtain a single vote in the 2004 poll for it, with South Africa beating competition from Morocco to win hosting rights of the football’s most prestigious tournament.
“I did not imagine that FIFA was so corrupt,” Helal told ONTV programme Manchet on Thursday. “Jack Warner demanded $7 million before the voting.”
“Egypt’s FA president El-Dahshori Harb met with the FIFA official in the United Arab Emirates and informed me that he wanted a $7 million bribe.”
“I told the EFA [Egyptian Football Association] president that Egypt could not participate in such a crime.”
There are mixed reports about corruption in Egypt, some showing improvement, one saying it is the worst in the world. But in this case, it seems, Egypt comes out clean.
But perhaps not here, though the charge is incredible. Ahram Online reports on the domestic league:
Ismaily, Egypt’s third-most successful club, want rivals Ahly stripped of the 2009 Premier League title following a corruption scandal that has engulfed world governing body FIFA over the past nine days.
Ahly defeated Ismaily 1-0 in a rare playoff six years ago to win the title, concluding the only exciting league race of the past decade and depriving their bitter foes of their first triumph since 2002.
Ismaily came within touching distance of the title on the final day after Ahly had scored two late goals to defeat El-Geish and force a decider, but in the end Ahly prevailed, thanks to a brilliant header from Angolan striker Flavio Amado.
…
“Ismaily demand an investigation into the 2009 league competition because of FIFA’s corruption,” the club, who were the first Egyptian side to win the African Champions League in 1969, said in a statement on their official website.
“The main reason for our loss was an illegitimate Ahly goal that was allowed to stand by the referee in their last league match against Geish … and we also want to know who was responsible for appointing a hardly known Spanish referee for the playoff.
“This Spanish referee also disallowed a goal by [midfielder] Mohamed Hommos against Ahly.
“After the recent discovery of the FIFA corruption saga, we will send a fax to the Egyptian Football Association to demand that we be awarded the 2009 title.
“If our demand is not met, we will file a complaint with the Court of Arbitration for Sport,” the club added, though it did not clarify how their loss against Ahly could be linked to FIFA’s corruption.
But not all believe Egypt is corruption free:
The Egyptian Football Association (EFA) have played down allegations by a Ghana FA member claiming that they offered a $1-million bribe to fix a 2014 World Cup qualifier.
Board member Kofi Manu was quoted by radio station Asempa FM on Wednesday as praising his boss Kwesi Nyantakyi for refusing “a $1-million inducement from fixers to throw the last match of the 2014 FIFA World Cup qualifier in favour of the Pharaohs”.
Egypt has denied the allegation. They lost the match 6-1.
FIFA scandals are brewing around the world; what will happen in Egypt next?
Egypt, Up and Down
Two global index reports recently released provide perspective on Egypt these days. Security is up, law is down.
According to the Global Peace Index, Egypt experienced the third largest jump among the 162 studied nations. Unfortunately, ranked at 137, it still has a long way to go. The assassination of the prosecutor general is indicative of the general trouble, as is the new offensive against Sheikh Zuweid in Sinai. But from a wider lens the security situation is improving.
Hopefully 2016 will witness a further rise, and these events do not singal the start of a downward spiral.
But according to the Rule of Law Index, Egypt fell twelve spots to number 86 among 102 studied nations. This is not an encouraging sign. After the assassination of the prosecution general, there may be worries that security will clamp down even tighter, skirting or bypassing safeguards for due process.
Law and order, both are necessary. Even, and perhaps especially, in trying times.
The Countdown to June 30, in Retrospect
Two years later, how did Mohamed Morsi lose power? What was the political climate like? How large were the protests? Was it a coup?
An Egyptian Christian, Paul Attallah, has provided a recap based on his email newsletter at the time. I often convey his information in my ‘analysis’ page, as his collection of news sources – most of which with links to the original articles – is sprinkled with commentary helpful in understanding the perspective of many in Egypt. It is very long, but lists events and perspectives perhaps forgotten during the momentous three days before.
So for readers interested in recalling those days of significance, Attallah starts his countdown with his original newsletter from June 27:
Rebel towards 30th June
Tamarod launches 30 June Front
In a press conference, a statement was released on behalf of the 30 June Front stating that it had been launched to represent a unified leadership for the coming phase. It added that the front would persist in peaceful demonstrations until achieving the goals of the 25 January Revolution.
Tamarod member Mona Selim stated that the Front resembles an operation room for planned protests, adding that it would start functioning upon its launch on Wednesday and continue until the “regime is toppled”. “The Front is an example of the revolution and not representative of it,” Selim said.
The Front roadmap
The Front offered a roadmap for the phase which follows the hypothetical removal of President Mohamed Morsi.
- The roadmap involves choosing a prime minister from the national figures to take over the presidential powers and form a cabinet of national, efficient ministers. The cabinet’s top mission would be to devise a plan to “salvage” the economy and achieve economic justice.
- The Front’s roadmap would also see the delegation of the Supreme Constitutional Court (SCC) chairman as president; his role would be honorary as the Prime Minister would have the executive powers.
- As for the state’s internal and external security, it would be left to the National Defence Council to handle.
- The 2012 constitution would be stalled and the current Shura Council would be dissolved, the Front’s roadmap dictated. Instead, a constituent assembly comprised of constitutional and legal experts would be formed to draft a new constitution and to temporarily take over the legislative authority.
- The transitional period outlined in the roadmap is due to expire within six months, to be followed by presidential elections held with full judicial monitoring. After electing a president, the people would then move to parliamentary elections.
There is no other roadmap
Khaled Teleima, one of the Front’s founders, stated that this roadmap was structured following a full month of discussions between Tamarod and all “revolutionary and youth movements”.
“We ask of you all to adopt this roadmap and stick to it in the face of any other rival plans in order to preserve our unity,” Teleima said.
Shady Al-Ghazaly Harb, another founding member, stated that this roadmap is the only remaining roadmap for the next phase. “All other roadmaps proposed by other movements were eliminated in this one’s favour,” Harb said. “We had reached consensus with them all.”
Some Front founders
Other Front founders included: currently-detained political activist and blogger Ahmed Douma, former 6 April Movement member Esraa Abdel Fattah, formerly detained 6 April Movement member Zizo Abdo, Tamarod members Mahmoud Badr and Mai Wahba and Mohamed Abdel Aziz, Egyptian Social Democratic Party leading figure Bassem Kamel and Al-Tayar Al-Sha’aby spokesperson Heba Yassin.
El Gendy’s mother
The mother of alleged torture victim Mohamed El-Gendy, was among those who attended the press conference.
“I miss Egypt,” Al-Gendy’s mother said. “Just as I miss my son calling me ‘mother’. My children, would you be able to bring Egypt back to me?”
Morsy’s speech in two words:
He jumped over early elections and new Cabinet issues and talked about a “future” amendment of the Constitution (when we will have a parliament) and a reconciliation (based on what?)
He attacked his enemies:
- The judges (Shafiq’s judge, corruption and fraud)
- Private TV channels who are defaming him.
- The intellectuals (by insulting their dean Makram Mohamed Ahmad (78 years) asking him if he is now a revolutionary). Does he mean that only the revolutionaries have the right to attack him? He is remembering me 6 April movement (this archeological group) who prevented other people to attack MB in Talaat Harb square: we are the only agents who are allowed to attack MB.
- The remnants.
- The army: By putting the responsibility of the actual disaster over Abdel Naser, Sadat, Mubarak and insulting Shafiq.
He presented himself in a new look: I am the army chief and the military ruler of Egypt. Without dismissing El Sissy he stressed that he is El Sissy’s boss. Is he really?
He tried to divide the Egyptian people by enforcing the duality: remnants and revolutionaries. This division is over. Now we have another one more interesting: MB and anti-MB.
He gave very sweet promises to the youth (he lost them already): youth leaders will get high posts in all governorates and ministries.
People’s reactions to the speech
I will start with people’s reactions. Some books you have to read from the bottom to the top to understand something.
“The margin for a political solution is definitely very narrow,” he said. “If (violence) crosses a certain threshold, the role of the army might become by default more proactive.”
“What is going to be a game changer,” he said, “is whether the violence is so massive or out of control that the government is unable to function – which might be a scenario that some are hoping for in order to prompt the military to intervene.”
Abdallah Kamal: Morsi’s speech shows that he has deep problems with the army.
The speech reached a point beyond all expectations and a phase exceeding what could be tolerated and dropped to the lowest point of analysis. The president condemned all institutions and attacked all opponents. He fears the former and does not estimate the strength of the others.
Morsy talked about his achievements. But deeply he has no achievements. He is the one who divided the Egyptians and participated in killing them. He is the one who accepted that the nation stands at the limits of an abyss to remain in power.
Comment: Excellent comment.
El Aswany: Morsi’s speech presented his crisis with the people as a struggle with the remnants.
Comment: Excellent comment.
Sabbahy: Morsy seven decisions show that he does not respect the people’s will.
Sabbahy: Morsy’s speech is boring and his decisions are not worthy to the presidency.
El Aswany: Morsy’s speech is miserable. You lost your legitimacy and you will be tried.
Mostafa el Naggar: Morsy gave his departure speech.
Sabbahy: Morsy condemned himself in his speech.
Free Egyptians in Red Sea: The president speech is like his clinical death.
Judges will held emergency meeting today to sue the President for the judge accusations.
The speech
Constitution and dialogue
Mursi offers constitution change before protests
President Mohamed Mursi offered opponents a say on Wednesday in amending a controversial new constitution and a forum to seek “national reconciliation”, as he sought to avert a violent showdown in the streets.
He said he was inviting party leaders to meet on Thursday to choose a chairman for an all-party committee that would prepare amendments to the constitution. It was pushed through a referendum late last year with Islamist support, but many in the opposition say the document is flawed and biased against them.
Mursi also said he was forming a committee of leading public figures, including Muslim and Christian clerics, to promote “national reconciliation”.
“I say to the opposition, the road to change is clear,” Mursi said, pointing to parliamentary elections expected later this year. “Our hands are extended.”
Mursi called for calm
“I say to all those planning to take to the streets to keep the protests peaceful and not be dragged into violence as violence will only lead to violence. Protests are a way of expressing an opinion – not imposing one”.
Comment: What he presented for this calm? Nothing but dreams.
Is he living in Egypt and in another country? I doubt that he lives in Egypt. The Egyptian people will have the paradise for listening to such speech.
Youth
Mursi acknowledged the hardships many of the young who saw hope in the revolution have had in an economy mired in crisis and offered them reforms and, in time, a higher minimum wage and reductions in unemployment, targeting a drop to 8 percent.
He said he wanted young people to be more involved in politics and promised parliamentary elections.
Remnants
No compromise with the remnants of the former regime even if they will be innocent!
President says former PM Shafiq must return to be tried
Former Prime Minister Ahmed Shafiq has squandered more than 700 million Egyptian pounds in a deal to buy aircrafts during his tenure as minister of civil aviation, President Mohamed Mursi said on Wednesday.
Shafiq must return to be tried in a corruption case involving land plots, Mursi said in a speech aired live on national television.
Shafiq is “wanted for justice”, Mursi added.
Copts
Morsy to the Copts: The former regime presented everything Islamic as a scarecrow and that’s wrong
Morsy new look: the military ruler of Egypt
Morsy vows military trials for those who will offend him or offend Egypt and the army.
It’s Mubarak and opposition fault
“I took responsibility for a country mired in corruption and was faced with a war to make me fail,” he said, naming some senior officials, including the man he beat in last year’s presidential run-off, as well as neighbourhood “thugs”. He also slammed some owners of hostile media, accusing one of tax fraud.
Some enemies were abroad, he said, without elaborating.
Opposition fault
In a swipe at opponents who have failed to match his Muslim Brotherhood’s disciplined approach to winning elections, he said politicians who failed to accept his offers to cooperate had left young people with no outlet for opposition but the street.
“Political polarisation and conflict has reached a stage that threatens our nascent democratic experience and threatens to put the whole nation in a state of paralysis and chaos,” he said. “The enemies of Egypt have not spared effort in trying to sabotage the democratic experience.”
Radical measures
Corruption
Dividing people in revolutionaries and remnants
“Soon Safwat El-Sherif and Zakaria Azmi will be considered ‘revolutionaries’ as well. Why not? Everyone has been acquitted,” he said, noting that Egypt’s court system had exonerated most former regime figures implicated in cases of corruption.
He also took a swipe at Ahmed Shafiq, the Mubarak-era’s last prime minister and Morsi’s nemesis in last year’s presidential polls.
“Ahmed Shafiq – is he a ‘revolutionary’? He’s wanted [by the authorities],” the president said, in reference to the host of corruption charges that Shafiq – currently based in the UAE – faces in Egypt.
“He’s based abroad yet continues to call for toppling the [Egyptian] government,” Morsi said of Sahfiq. “Is that not a crime?”
Comment: If both of them are against you, what hell are you doing? Are you dreaming that they will start fighting and leave you in peace? Will you provoke a fight between them through your hidden agents?
Morsy accuses owners of private TV channels to denigrate his image.
Comment: Who is free now for these bullshits?
The army
Military beefs up security ahead of protests
The military will take “all necessary measures” to secure the country ahead of the 30 June protests, the armed forces announced Wednesday amid a nationwide push to reinforce bases, major thoroughfares and vital institutions.
The military began securing Media Production City in Cairo’s 6th of October City on Tuesday evening with armed vehicles and infantry in an effort “to allow media outlets to work with the utmost freedom,” reported state-owned news agency MENA.
On Wednesday the military intensified security in the vicinity of the presidential palace and blocked entry roads, as well as the Maspero state-owned media building and the Central Bank of Egypt.
A plan is in place to protect “vital institutions,” a military official told MENA, including “the exits and entrances” to Cairo and 6th of October City. He added that deployments would be restricted to the outskirts of the major cities. (More…)
Egypt’s military moves troops near cities
Egypt’s military on Wednesday brought in reinforcements of troops and armor to bases near Egyptian cities ahead of weekend protests planned by the opposition to try to force the Islamist president out, security officials said. (More…)
Shafiq
SEC postpones decision on Shafiq’s appeal to Thursday
The Supreme Electoral Commission (SEC) decided on Wednesday to postpone until Thursday its decision on the appeal of former presidential candidate Ahmed Shafiq.
MENA reported on Wednesday that the decision to postpone was due to the death of SEC Head Maher El-Behairy’s brother.
Muslim Brotherhood
Muslim Brotherhood mufti trapped in mosque
A Muslim Brotherhood sermon against participating in upcoming anti-government protests led to an altercation outside a mosque in a town in Sharqiya on Tuesday night. Over 16 people were injured according to an FJP media officer.
Ahmed Ragab, member of the Al-Dostour Party’s high board in Sharqiya, said Brotherhood mufti Abdelrahman Al-Barr gave a sermon at Helmy Mosque in Ibrahimiya in which he stated that those who protest on 30 June are against Islam. People in the vicinity took issue and surrounded the mosque in protest. In response, people inside the mosque barricaded the doors to protect Al-Barr. Ragab said security forces eventually arrived to escort Al-Barr from the mosque and disperse the crowd.
Ragab said: “People are used to this sort of incitement against the protesters when it’s at a national level, but when it takes place inside towns, then you’re inciting violence between the townspeople.”
The Freedom and Justice Party (FJP) media officer in Sharqiya, Ahmed Gaber, presented a different account.
Gaber alleged approximately 300 “thugs”, some armed with shotguns, attacked the mosque. Gaber added that after they attacked the mosque the assailants looted a nearby Muslim Brotherhood office and set fire to several houses of Brotherhood members. Gaber said the attacks continued until the early morning.
“The entire city was incited to come and slaughter the ‘livestock’ in the mosque,” stated Gaber.
Gaber said the violence began before Al-Barr gave his sermon, and accused members of the dissolved National Democratic Party of being responsible.
He added: “This attack could not possibly have anything to do with the opposition. This isn’t politics, this is criminal.”
Morsi’s torture cases
Report: 359 torture cases during Morsi’s first year in power
Three-hundred and fifty-nine torture cases have been recorded since President Mohamed Morsi became president in June 2012, according to an annual report by Al-Nadeem Centre for Rehabilitation of Torture Victims.
The report was released Wednesday to mark the International Day Against Torture and provided a detailed list of torture cases in Egypt over the past year.
Some of the cases included more than one victim; all were tortured during the same incident and thus counted as a single case, said Aida Seif Al-Dawla, psychiatrist at Al-Nadeem Centre. The totals were all based on media reports.
However, as Al-Dawla qualified, “those are only the victims who could be reached.” She added that many more victims exist who were unable to reach out to the media or human rights groups.
Article 126 of the penal code defines torture as any physical or mental pain or torture exercised to extract testimony from detainees.
“It’s not about the figures,” Seif Al-Dawla said. “The point is that torture is still widespread and systematic. It still goes without punishment.”
Free opinion
Presenters at state-owned station Radio Misr released a statement Tuesday objecting to what they called “the repeated [political] interference” in their work, stating that they would defend their “right to provide an objective, impartial and professional coverage of the crucial events that the country is experiencing.”
The statement added, “We are being subjected to intense pressures [which] prevent us from accomplishing this duty; hence we dissociate ourselves from any directed, incomplete or not transparent news that is broadcasted via our radio.”
Radio presenter Sarah Abdel Bary said in a Sunday airing of her programme “from the heart of Cairo” that the presidency had interfered in the station’s programming, imposing guests and topics to serve particular political goals.
Mohamed Hassan El-Banna, editor in chief of state-owned newspaper Al-Akhbar, announced his resignation on Tuesday in protest of the interference of certain Muslim Brotherhood figures in the editorial policy of the newspaper.
El-Banna stated in his article on Tuesday that “Egyptian journalism is going through one of the worst periods ever,” adding, “I [present] today my resignation from the position of editor in chief, rejecting any exerted pressures from anyone, particularly those who belong to the Muslim Brotherhood.”
Comment: If the people’s majority are against MB and if this brotherhood is riding the State media, who will buy their newspaper and who will watch their programs, who are the stupid companies who will pay money for publicity and how they will be able to pay people’s salaries? And how could they take people’s money (taxes) to run a MB horn?
Clashes
Egypt factions clash in Alexandria
Supporters and opponents of Egypt’s Mohamed Mursi clashed in the second city of Alexandria, throwing rocks and firing shotguns early on Thursday as the Islamist president made a keynote speech in Cairo.
A Reuters reporter saw dozens of youths approach a rally of Mursi’s supporters in the Mediterranean port and the two sides then fought. There was no immediate information on casualties.
Tahrir square (well comeback)
In Cairo’s Tahrir Square for Morsi speech, protesters divided on army intervention
A few thousand protesters gathered in Cairo’s Tahrir Square Wednesday eveningin anticipation of a national address by Egyptian President Mohamed Morsi scheduled for 9:30pm.
Opinions in Cairo’s flashpoint protest venue varied regarding the prospect of possible military intervention in Egypt’s fraught political stage.
According to Ahram Online correspondents at the scene, a number of placards bore pro-army slogans, including the standard ‘The people and the army are one hand’ – an oft-voiced slogan during and after Egypt’s 2011 uprising.
A smaller group of people arrayed in the square, however, repeated chants against the army, rejecting suggestions that the armed forces reassume administration of the nation’s affairs in the event that Morsi step down.
Some Egyptians are calling on the army to assume executive authority for a temporary period and to appoint a new ‘national unity government’ if Morsi is toppled.
Meanwhile, hundreds have gathered in front of defence ministry headquarters in the eastern Cairo district of Abbasiya to demand that Defence Minister Abdel-Fattah El-Sisi take over power from President Morsi.
People’s voice
Across Cairo, districts brace for 30 June and beyond
Heliopolis, adjacent Nasr City and distant Muqattam districts are set for tense times amid what are likely to be, 30 June, the biggest protest demonstrations since the fall of Mubarak
Ahmad the pharmacist
“We are not sure how things will go. We anticipate that any trouble will be around the presidential palace in Heliopolis, but you never know. The protests might also come to the headquarters of the Muslim Brotherhood, so we are taking precautions here too,” said Ahmed, a pharmacist who works on Street 10 of Muqattam, only a few buildings away from the three-floor headquarters of the ruling Muslim Brotherhood, established after the January 25 Revolution that ended decades of persecution of political Islam.
A few weeks ago, Ahmed recalled, the pharmacy had to shut down its doors when angry protestors amassed on the headquarters to express anger and fury over state mismanagement and excessive partisan bias on the side of the Muslim Brotherhood.
“The thing is that it is Mohamed Morsi who rules, but because it is the conviction of so many people that Morsi is only a puppet that the Muslim Brotherhood moves around, the anger is always directed against the Guidance Bureau — so there is a high probability that Muqattam would have its share of the furor that the nation will see 30 June,” Ahmed added.
Saad
“As Egyptian citizens, we support the demonstrations for sure, because we simply wish to see an end to this economic and security decline. But as residents of Muqattam, we do have our security fears, because for all we know, protests could create enough havoc that might start incidents of looting and harassment. We are working on extra security precautions and we have asked our wives and daughters to be super careful,” said Saad, a resident of the same street of the Muslim Brotherhood headquarters.
Nagla
Nagla, a resident of Heliopolis whose house is only a 10-minute walk away from the presidential palace is also praying for peace and safety. Unlike Ahmed and Saad, Nagla is not speculating about demonstrations but awaiting them, as the call was made for demonstrations to gather in front of the presidential palace in her district.
“We were hoping when Morsi got elected that security measures would be lighter than those of the days of [ousted president Hosni] Mubarak, but we got a much worse set up. In the beginning, things were alright but it did not take them very long before they started to block the streets and introduce tough security measures,” Nagla said.
She added that for her, the worst part is not about the security measures, “because at the end of the day these take a half hour or so and they end. But with the demonstrations you never know when they start and how they would end, and you never know what kind of looting and destruction would come with it.”
Nagla and her husband Mohamed say they fear that their cars would be damaged in the middle of riots. They say they thought about leaving both cars next to Mohamed’s parents house in Dokki, “but then again we thought that we would not easily find taxis that might wish to drive in and out of Heliopolis, so we decided to keep the cars and hope that the demonstrations do not exceed the streets that the palace immediately overlooks,” Mohamed said.
Shops owners
The worry of Nagla and Mohamed over their cars is nothing compared to the worry of the owners of restaurants, hairdressers, jewelers and doctors whose clinics overlook the presidential palace or are not far from it.
Mona clinic assistant
“We are taking 30 June off and we have alerted our patients who are booked for their medical visits on Monday (1 July) to call us in the morning to confirm that the clinic is operating,” said Mona, an assistant at a Heliopolis gynecologist’s clinic not far from the presidential palace.
Mona spoke to Ahram Online after having finished arrangements for Mai, a pregnant lady, to have a hospital reservation booked for her “slightly early planned birth on 28 June.” Mai was supposed to see the birth of her first child during the first week of July, but she thought it not wise to take any risks given that she lives in Heliopolis and that the hospital she is expecting to deliver in is also in Heliopolis. “It is all within this part of Heliopolis, which is not really far from the palace. Better safe than sorry,” she said.
“Better safe than sorry” are exactly the words many people in Heliopolis and its adjacent Nasr City use to justify extraordinary planning for 30 June.
Mariam
Having filled the trunk of her car with piles of groceries, Mariam, said that she could not take any risks on a food shortage “should the protests take longer than just a few days.” “With three children and my mother-in-law living with us, I cannot take the risk. I can live on anything, and my husband too, but this is not the case with children and elderly people,” she said, tipping two assistants from the discount grocery store who had brought the many shopping bags to her car.
“Ramadan is coming upon us and we don’t know how things will go,” she added.
The Muslim fasting month of Ramadan is an occasion for family dinners and it is expected 10 or 11 July.
“We don’t know if things will have ended by then, and anyway we don’t know how things will end. We might end up with a curfew and serious food shortages; the banks may be closed and we may be unable to access our accounts to do our shopping; we simply don’t know how things will develop,” said Nermine, another Nasr City resident who was busy with her grocery shopping.
Nermine
Nermine is particularly concerned because “the Muslim Brotherhood tend to occupy the main streets of Nasr City to protest against the Morsi opposition and we could end up being blocked inside our houses. This is what happened yesterday; I did not dare to leave the house the entire day and prohibited my children from going out.”
Nermine lives not far from Rabia Al-Adaweiyah mosque in Nasr City that was venue of pro-Morsi mass demonstrations Friday. Participants arrived to the mosque as of the early hours of the day in endless buses and would not leave before it was late evening. Nermine, a lawyer, notified the firm she works for that if “they come again on 30 June, and this is what we hear they will be doing, I will be taking time off. I cannot take the risk of being held in the middle of such a crowd.”
Between the Itihadeyya and Al-Kubba Palace
Concerned about being held up in the middle of demonstrations, presidential staff was given an alert that they might be operating from Al-Kubba Palace to avoid being at Al-Ittihadiyah Palace whereby the protests will be. Morsi himself might not be using his Al-Ittihadiyah offices during the early days of the protests, and he might be on an overseas trip, according to a tentative schedule that keeps changing.
There is no clear assessment of the duration of the protests, but according to several key activists it would be no less than three to four days. Many suggest it will not be easy, if even it is possible, to force an agreement from the ruling Muslim Brotherhood to hold early elections.
Equally put on alert are the staff of the Ministry of Defence, with strong expectations that the demonstration that was staged in front of the ministry yesterday demanding a military coup would be repeated on a much larger scale.
Articles
Alaa el dine Abdel Moneim
The Egyptians are welcoming the returned Egypt
On the 30th of June the Egyptian will starts welcoming the returned Egypt into the arms of her children.
Egypt had been hijacked by the extremists since one year. They did not treat this country in a decent way and took from it security and safety. They reduced it to a humiliating poverty and wanted to submit it against its will to their power and their dark ideologies by scaring and terrorizing the people to keep them under their control for ever.
The truth is that all factors are encouraging the Egyptians to go out and welcome Egypt with a decent hospitality which it deserves.
The first factor is this political thick idiocy of MB and their dependencies which succeeded in less than a year to reveal their reality which has been hidden from the people’s majority over the past years,
The second factor which confirms the 30th of June success is that this invitation did not come from the opposition with all its factions but from the promising Egyptian youth capable of protecting it and having no ambition but Egypt’s interests and its people. People believed them in millions.
The third factor is this national attitude of the army towards the people to whom they announced that their loyalty will not be to any political faction but to the people. El Sissy announced strongly that it is not morally accepted that the army leave the people scared without protecting them. He said literally: Is better for us to die.
The generals and officers reaction was clear: all of them stand up to approve the position of their commander.
At the same time the police leaders said it clearly: We will not stand against the people in his uprising but we will defend him.
The fourth factor and the most important is this wonderful insistence of the simple people of Egypt in all the provinces to restore Egypt from those who want to dispel its light and turn off the flame of civilization, dragging it into the morass of poverty, ignorance and backwardness.
Adel Heine
Since I have been back, however, I have been warned by Egyptians from all walks of life that the upcoming first anniversary of the presidency is going to bring trouble, of the bloody kind. I have been advised to make sure I have enough food and water in the house if I decide to not leave, to make sure my locks work and maybe add another one and to not venture too far so I can get back inside quickly if needed. And as the day is getting closer the messages of doom are increasing.
The strangest thing of all is that every single cabdriver I met since I returned has ended our conversation with the same phrase, something I never thought I would hear. Make sure to be careful, they tell me, and take this seriously because we are afraid. All of us are afraid.
I never thought I would have to adjust to that.
Farid Zahran
What is the nature of the relationship between the three groups of the political Islamist movement?
The three groups share a common framework, since they all claim that they only observe God’s law, and that their main references are the Quran and Sunnah. However, the members of the Muslim Brotherhood are mainly engrossed in the writings of Hassan Al Banna and Saiyyid Qutb. In addition, Salafis and members of Al-Jamaa Al-Islamiya focus on the writings of their own groups’ sheikhs and imams. Therefore, in each group, the Quran and Sunnah are read in a different way, and therefore explained in three different ways.
(…)
Why didn’t the political-religious conflict ever lead to a permanent clash? There are several explanations, and one of them is that the three groups agree on the main goals or strategy: to establish Muslim rule centred on a Caliphate state and application of Shari’a. Their points of difference mainly revolve around how to face the hostile forces keeping them from attaining their goals. The relationship between owners of the “Islamist Project” and the ruling power or authority is what characterizes the nature of the relationship between the groups’ strategic goals and obstacles. The forces that hinder the Islamist Project are the ruling authorities, and the ruler’s faith determines the tactics and methods used by the project. The conflict between the three groups mainly revolves around whether the ruler is blasphemous or just disobedient. From there, the different tactics are chosen and formed.
As one of their sheikhs informed me when I met him in prison, the conflict lies in the methods that would enable them to apply the Islamist Project. “We excuse each other in conflicts regarding how to attain power because we agree on the necessity of reaching power, regardless of the method, so we can apply the Islamist Project,” he said. I believe that his words are notable, which leads me to believe that the relationship between the three groups is like the relationships between pots that knock into each other in a complex network of canals.
For example, each Salafi can become a Jihadist if he resorts to changing evil in person, instead of just through talk. Meanwhile, the Brotherhood sees Jihadists as overly zealous youth, who does not appreciate the value of preparing society for the application of God’s law. At the same time, many Salafis see the Brotherhood as those who let go of traditions to make political compromises, but they do not pressure the Brotherhood to stop doing that, not as much as they pressure democratic powers to not bother the Muslim Brotherhood. In addition, the Brotherhood makes sure it appears as the victim and the one that always seeks the help of other traditionalist powers such as Salafis or more radical powers such as Al-Jamaa so as to face secular pressures.
(…)
Therefore, the unity of the Islamist political movement is not only logical, and depends on a shared framework and goals, but it may depend on one organised administration through a highly complex method, which relies on the concept of remote control.
Now, from June 28:
Nazi, Fascist political parties and MB
It is interesting to notice that MB had been founded in March 1928 by Hassan el Bana and six of his colleagues, during the same decade in which the Nazi and Fascist parties had been founded.
What happened in Germany and Italy in 1928?
Federal elections were held in Germany on 20 May 1928. The recently reformed Nazi Party contested the elections after their ban ended the previous year. However, the party received less than 3% of the vote and won just 12 seats in the Reichstag.
In early 1925, Mussolini dropped all pretense of democracy and set up a total dictatorship. From that point onward, the PNF was effectively the only legally permitted party in the country. This status was formalized by a law passed in 1928 and Italy remained a one-party state until the end of the Fascist regime in 1943.
What does it mean?
It means that MB had been created from the same Nazi/fascist womb. But unfortunately, MB creature succeeded to see the light after a very long pregnancy of 75 years, a time in which we got internet, twitter, satellites, etc. etc. How those people who are coming from this dark womb would be able to survive in this new era?
Statements of the day
Tawakkol Kurman: Morsi’s speech divided the world in MB and remnants.
El Sissy had been surprised by Morsi’s attack on some persons. The speech represents the presidency point of view and not the military institution point of view.
The army position regarding the 30th of June protests did not change. The fact that Morsi is the head of the Supreme Council of the Armed Forces does not mean that the army carried out his orders according to the principle of obedience. The army will not stand in front of the popular will and its mission is to protect peaceful demonstrations.
Watch the army deployment video
Heykal
Ahmad Hassanein Heykal: What is expected from the Egyptian people is to announce firmly his position. We cannot ask the people to get rid of the regime. Other parties must take in consideration and respect this people’s position and decision: The army and foreign countries.
(No reference for this text: I just listened to him yesterday)
The whole interview with Heykal in Arabic.
Comment: Shame on you Minister of awqaf, responsible of all Egypt’s mosques and preachers. Shame on you! One day people will spit on your face. Disgusting man who said when he had been appointed as minister: I will not tell you now my belonging. Why? Are you working in a bordello?
Eh Shahat (Salafist): We refuse to be in confrontation with the people.
Hamas discusses MB crisis and today’s preaching in Gaza to support the brotherhood.
Comment: Well come back comrades. Failing to convince the Egyptian people, MB are hiring our neighbors in Gaza. Why not? If we accepted the principle that Egypt could send guerillas to Syria to support the Islamists, why are you preventing other guerillas to be sent to Egypt?
(This is polite way to say to Morsi: we are not with you)
Rumors
Comment: Nobody will stop us, not even the army. We have already the Syrian experience in which we are fighting against the army and we are the good guys. It seems that this is want Hazem Abu Ismail meant when he said: we will be obliged to refer to the job we have to do, commenting El Sizzy statement in which he defended the Egyptian people.
Islamist today protests
Cairo’s Nasr City to host pro-Morsi rallies on Friday
On Friday, two days before President Mohamed Morsi marks his first year in power, Cairo’s Nasr City will host mass rallies to support the president propelled to power last year by Egypt’s Muslim Brotherhood.
The Brotherhood’s Freedom and Justice Party (FJP) confirmed at a Thursday press conference that it was calling for rallies and an open-ended sit-in on Friday at Cairo’s Rabaa Al-Adawiya Mosque, in a show of support for the embattled president and his “democratic legitimacy.”
At the FJP’s Thursday press conference, senior party figure Gehad El-Haddad echoed the president’s tone, blaming the violence on “thuggery” encouraged by the opposition. He also accused the anti-Morsi ‘Rebel’ campaign of “joining forces with the former regime.”
El-Haddad went on to stress that Friday’s Islamist rallies would avoid Tahrir Square, where anti-Morsi protesters have already begun to erect tents in advance of a planned open-ended sit-in.
We will start demonstrations tomorrow: FJP
The Freedom and Justice Party (FJP) announced it will hold demonstrations starting tomorrow in a countermove to the mass anti-Morsi protests planned for 30 June.
Gehad El-Haddad, a Muslim Brotherhood leader in charge of the Nahda [Renaissance] Project, said in a press conference on Thursday that the demonstrations will be “in support of the democratic path” and the current regime.
He added that the peaceful demonstrations in support of the regime would be held in Nasr City, out of consideration that the anti-Morsi protesters will be in Tahrir, as a precaution to avoid clashes between the two political forces.
The FJP repeatedly criticised the opposition for what it alleges is an unwillingness to take part in the democratic process brought about by the 25 January uprising.
Go to parliamentary elections
“We will not challenge the figures given by the Tamarod movement,” El-Haddad said in reference to Tamarod’s claim that they had gathered 15 million signatures on a petition calling for the ouster of President Morsi. “But if they do have so much support, why not run in the parliamentary elections and then you would be able to form the government, change the constitution, and even challenge the president?”
FJP went on to attack Tamarod for refusing to engage in the official electoral process that is governed by the ballot box, saying that they chose to “put their hands with the former regime and thugs.”
Opposition vs old regime
“It is unacceptable by our standards for an opposition group to align itself with the old regime,” said El-Haddad, who also warned that they would not allow for the petition to lead to the resurgence of the old regime or the spread of violence.
Opposition frustration
“The frustration of the opposition is because they cannot have a say… and that is why we need parliamentary elections as soon as possible,” El-Haddad said, claiming that the voices expressed in the Tamarod movement and 30 June protests should be channelled through parliamentarians rather than signatures on a petition.
Comment: When people are in the street, it means that the ruler immunized his ballot boxes.
Tahrir square
Tents return to Cairo’s Tahrir Square
Some 32 tents were pitched in the middle of the square on Thursday morning and four others were erected near the Egyptian Museum, state news agency MENA reported.
In Pictures: Tahrir square reacts to Morsi’s speech
Protesters in Tahrir square were filled with anger following President Mohamed Morsi’s speech Wednesday night in which he addressed the nation prior to demonstrations calling for his ousting on 30 June. Some held high their shoes as a sign of anger as many chanted “leave” and “liar” during the speech. Ultras fans joined the protesters in the square with their well-known chants, drums and fireworks.
Tahrir masses react to Morsi’s speech
Over one thousand people gathered in Tahrir Square on Wednesday night to listen to a speech by President Mohammed Morsi, in which he deflected criticism of his regime.
Emile Azmy
“Two and a half hours of a headache,” quipped protestor Emile Azmy, summarising the assessment of the viewing crowd, which was generally animated; people laughed and cursed at the president while watching his lengthy remarks on a projector in the square.
Mohamed Atef
Before the speech began, Mohamed Atef, another protester present, commented on the effect of Morsi’s presidency on the nation, saying, “I used to work in a café called Rehab before the Brotherhood closed it. We did parties, and they said if we want to continue working we have to play Quran. Which is fine, but we can’t have Quran on the entire time.”
Atef, who’s brother died during the first 18 days of the revolution in 2011, said that he hasn’t been able to get married due to financial problems; he supports his family, and since he’s constantly looking for jobs, he doesn’t have enough money to get married.
Atef asked, “One kilogram of potatoes used to cost 1LE, now it costs 4LE. Where do I get this money? Where?”
He added, “There’s no good life, no freedom, no democracy, no food.”
Mohamed
Another protester, who identified himself only as Mohamad, said, “Morsi is threatening the people, and he claims to be a man of religion. Is this what religion says?”
Mohamed claimed that people are eating out of the trash now from how bad the conditions have gotten, adding, “people are dying. If these [poor] people came here, they’d eat the walls.”
Mohamed criticised Morsi’s remarks about Syria, asking “shouldn’t you fix the problems in your own country first before you begin to try fixing other countries’ problems?”
Missing two fingers
Another protester, who was missing two his fingers, claimed that he only had 25 pounds in his pocket. He said he feeds his mom, wife, and son, surviving off of odd jobs such as painting.
He said, “It just doesn’t bring enough money in anymore. What am I supposed to do? Steal? It’s not my way.”
Atef and Mohamed didn’t expect much from the president’s speech. Mohamed said that Morsi would not leave until all the protesters take to the street and take action.
Atef said, “I’m not leaving the square. Either Morsi leaves, or I will die here.”
Liar
As the president’s speech began, people crowded closer to the small projector to listen. As the president starting listing his accomplishments in the country, however, some viewers chanted “liar”, a few raised their middle fingers, and several held their shoes in their hands.
Ultras
The Ultras soon made themselves noticeable about halfway through the speech, when they performed their signature shaking-hands gesture facing their shirtless leader, known as one of the “cabohat”, who was hoisted upon a supporter’s shoulder. He directed their chants and songs, and the group later sang those that they created during the military junta’s rule, stating that freedom will be achieved no matter what.
Leave
Many times during the speech, very loud and strong chants erupted, demanding that Morsi leave office. When the audio feed cut due to technical problems, some responded by chanting, “better!”
What is he saying?
Throughout the viewing of the speech in Tahrir, the crowd was over a thousand strong, and although many present cursed the president, others wondered aloud what he was talking about in the first place.
“What is he saying?” A disgruntled looking young man said several times throughout his speech.
A doctor
Salem, a doctor from the square’s field hospital, said after the speech that he refuses to leave the square, adding that he didn’t pay much attention to the President. “[Morsi] needs to leave. None of our demands have been met, and things are just getting worse.”
Could not understand
One protester said that no one understood anything from the speech except that it’s the 17th of Shaa’ban, the Islamic month that comes before the month of fasting- Ramadan.
Atef Naguib
Another protester, Atef Naguib, said that a manager of a factory would be embarrassed to give the same speech that the president gave.
“What do Safwat Sherif and all these people he mentioned have anything to do with us? Where are our demands? But the people now know better. This regime is exactly like the old one.”
By 12,30am there were several tents standing, and people were still chanting with the same amount of energy.
Security forces
Public prosecution warns against assaults on security forces
The public prosecution released a statement on Thursday saying that while it supports the right to peaceful protests, it warned against violations and criminal acts.
The statement, published by state-run Ahram, warned that any assault on a member of the armed forces or police who are tasked with securing public and private property would be met with decisive procedures.
Comment: What about MB and Hamas attack on prisons, police stations and protestors, aren’t they violent actions ya prosecutor? During the confusion of the protests, who will recognize the identity of those who are attacking ya prosecutor? MB supporters could throw some Molotov bombs and your security forces will attach the protestors. And what did you do with the violent actions done in front of the presidential palace ya prosecutor?
Egyptian police divided in run-up to 30 June anti-Morsi rallies
With nationwide mass protests planned on 30 June to oppose President Mohamed Morsi and call for early presidential elections, the role of the police during the protests remains uncertain.
Considering widespread fears regarding planned anti-Morsi rallies on 30 June and the possibility of military intervention or civil war, the Egyptian security apparatus is in a quandary in terms of its response to the planned demonstrations.
Accordingly, Minister of Interior Mohamed Ibrahim was pressed to take a stand, albeit a shaky one.
On 10 June he declared: “Police officers will not be present in protest areas, enabling peaceful protesters to convey their opinions freely.”
The contentious statement was widely criticised. Dalia Youssef, security expert and vice president of the Risk Free Egypt consultancy, like many, highlighted “its absurdity and obvious paradox.”
The announcement was followed by a contradictory statement just days later on 12 June.
“Police forces are legally committed to securing the June 30 protests to ensure the safety of all citizens irrespective of political allegiances,” said Ibrahim.
Experts say the shift was influenced by pressure from high-ranking security officials and opposition forces, such as Egypt’s anti-Morsi ‘Rebel’ campaign.
Away from official declarations and events, in the streets, the deep divisions between and within higher-ranking officers, as well as in the middle and lower ranks, is patent.
Different attitudes among low-ranking officers are indicative of this. Some low-ranking officers like Shafiq, who cautiously refrained from giving his full name, said he was against participating, emphasising the police’s responsibility to remain apolitical and detached from political events.
Others refused to talk to the media and some announced that they would simply adhere to ministerial instructions and work on 30 June, yet also suggested that participation ultimately was the choice of each individual officer.
Conversely, numerous young soldiers, advocates of the ‘Rebel’ campaign, voiced their intention to demonstrate with the people irrespective of orders from the controversial minister of interior.
“We will be with the people on 30 June, wearing t-shirts expressing our support,” explained Ahmed, a young soldier sporting a black Central Security Forces uniform.
According to security expert Ihab Youssef, ex-police officer, secretary-general of the People and Police for Egypt NGO and president of the Risk Free Egypt consultancy, the newfound power of the Brotherhood has been traumatic for the police.
Participation in the imminent demonstrations may also be an attempt to regain police pride and public trust, suggest some experts.
Amir Salem, security expert, renowned lawyer and author of ‘The State of Police in Egypt,’ also cites sentiments of guilt on the part of some officers, concerning their involvement in torture and corrupt practices, as another possible reason for participation.
This guilt, combined with public anger related to police torture, has instigated plans for internal ministerial reform, emphasised Salem.
Ultimately, bearing in mind internal divisions and varied motives, whether and how the Egyptian security apparatus decides to participate on 30 June, public security and protection of government property should remain its priority, assert experts.
“The police must remain neutral and protect all Egyptians, regardless of political or religious inclinations,” stressed Shafiq, while emphasising the importance of protecting state property, which was vandalised during previous demonstrations.
Morsi speech
What is remarkable is the fact that Morsi did not mention the “Rebel” movement who emerged like a phoenix bird from the ashes of the revolution. He did not mention that there are more than 15 million Egyptians who signed the withdrawal of confidence petition and asking for early presidential elections.
Boeing denies Morsi accusations to Shafiq
70.8 million dollars was the price of each airplane (12 airplanes) and not 148 million dollars as Morsi announced to the people and according to this figures he decided to sent him to hell!
Comment: Another crime to send Morsi to jail.
Salvation Front: Mursi’s speech reinforces image of incapable president
The speech President Mohamed Mursi gave on Wednesday only makes the National Salvation Front more adamant on calling for early presidential elections to achieve the revolution’s goals.
In a statement it made today, the front expressed its confidence that millions of Egyptians will peacefully demonstrate on June 30 to assert their will and rectify the revolution’s course.
Mursi’s speech entrenches the Egyptians’ belief that he is incapable of assuming power and is unfit for such position, the statement said.
The speech mirrors “a clear inability to admit the harsh reality Egypt is living through due to his failure to run the country since he became president”.
In the statement, the front criticized Mursi’s accusation to all his opponents of supporting the former regime.
Mursi launched an unacceptable attack against the judiciary and the media in a way that subjects him to legal accountability on charges of defamation, the front added.
Russian site: Morsi is living in a planet disconnected from his people.
Egypt opposition rejects dialogue with Morsi
AFP – Egypt’s main opposition coalition Thursday rejected an offer from President Mohamed Morsi for dialogue, repeating its call for early presidential elections and calling for peaceful demonstrations on June 30.
Mohamed ElBaradei, who leads the opposition National Salvation Front, said at a news conference Morsi’s speech on Wednesday was “the opposite of a clear admission that the difficult situation that Egypt is going through is the result of his failure to administer the affairs of the country that he took charge of one year ago”.
ElBaradei, who also heads the liberal Al-Dustur party, read from an NSF statement saying that the opposition “remained determined to call for an early presidential election to bring about the objectives of the revolution, with social justice foremost among them”.
“We are confident the Egyptian people will come out in their millions to hold peaceful demonstrations on all of Egypt’s squares and streets to realise their aspirations and to put the January 25 revolution back on track,” he added.
Interviews
Egypt publisher sees rally as answer to divisive Islamist rule
As manager of Dar Merit, one of Cairo’s most respected publishing houses, he’s been happy to see the spread of a fresh political and cultural awareness since the 2011 uprising that ousted Hosni Mubarak.
But the revolt also ushered in an Islamist-led government that he and other literati view as an autocratic group bent on imposing conservative social views on Egypt’s 84 million people – including the liberals who allied with them against Mubarak.
“This is not a democratic force that believes in elections and the transfer of power,” Hashem, 55, said in an interview in his dusty, book-lined office around the corner from Tahrir Square, centre of the 2011 uprising.
He said Egyptian Islamism “believes in its own religious authority and that there is no authority above it”.
No for free opinion
Egypt slaps travel ban on media owner in tax case
AFP- The owner of Egyptian television station CBC, known for his opposition to Islamist president Mohamed Morsi’s government, was facing charges of tax evasion on Thursday and banned from travelling, official media reported.
The allegations against CBC owner Mohammed al-Amin came after Morsi attacked him by name in a public speech.
The official MENA news agency reported that Amin was facing charges of tax evasion, and that the public prosecutor had decided to ban him from leaving the country.
Comment: Everything is by law but a law not applicable on us.
Minister allegedly fired staffer for hosting Tamarod
A state ministry staffer has claimed Investment Minister Yehia Hamed sacked him because he allowed opposition groups to hold conferences at the Leadership and Management Development Centre.
Yehia Abdel Hady, first undersecretary of the Investment Ministry and director of the conference centre, claimed the Muslim Brotherhood-affiliated minister fired him for political reasons.
Military trials
Morsi military trials claims are false: Rights group
“He claimed no civilians stood trial in military courts during his first year in office – this is untrue,” campaign co-founder Mona Seif said via Twitter after the speech on Wednesday night.
Seif added that she had received calls from relatives of detainees after the speech asking her if their loved ones had been released.
“Mubarak tried Muslim Brothers in military courts because civilian courts acquitted them. Today Morsi is threatening to use the same military courts against his opponents,” prominent activist Wael Ghonim said via Twitter.
Shafiq appeal
Egypt electoral commission recuses itself in Shafiq appeal
Egypt’s Supreme Presidential Elections Commission (SPEC) has made a unanimous decision to recuse itself from overseeing an appeal by Ahmed Shafiq against last year’s presidential election result.
The commission said it felt “unease” at overseeing the appeal but failed to give further details for the decision.
A new commission will be formed on 1 July after the retirement of Judge Maher El-Beheiry, the head of the SPEC and the High Constitutional Court (HCC), and a number of other commission members, at the end of the judicial year on 30 June.
The appeal will be heard after a new commission is formed.
Shias
Amnesty urges Morsi to protect Egypt’s Shias
Amnesty International has warned of rising sectarian violence against Egypt’s Shia Muslims after Sunday’s mob killing in Giza.
The attack took place, allegedly led by Salafist sheikhs, in the village of Zawyat Abu Musalam. Hundreds of people surrounded the house of a local Shia leader after hearing he was hosting a religious gathering. The mob then beat him and his guests and set the house on fire, killing four.
“Egypt’s President Mohamed Morsi must urgently tackle the unprecedented level of sectarian violence against Shia Muslims and ensure they are protected from further attacks,” Amnesty’s statement read.
Mubarak
Cairo court upholds release of Alaa, Gamal Mubarak
The Cairo Criminal Court on Thursday upheld a decision to release Alaa and Gamal Mubarak, pending investigations into allegations that they exploited their father’s influence as president of Egypt to make illicit gains.
They also stand accused – with former presidential candidate Ahmed Shafiq – of buying land at the Pilots Association for less than its real market value.
Articles
Washington Institute
Egypt’s State of Rebellion: four scenarios
Which scenario will it be? I believe the ball is in the people’s court, which was the exact intention of the “Tamarod” campaign’s founders. Egypt is now witnessing a state of rebellion.
First, the millions who signed the “Tamarod” petition will take to the street and stage protests in the squares, stripping the president of his legitimacy and forcing him to make some concessions, the least of which would be a government of national reconciliation, and the most drastic outcome dependent on the strength and steadfastness of the protests.
Second, the protests will turn to clashes, igniting the situation in such a manner that would eventually lead the army to return to power. This scenario, however, I find to be unlikely.
Third, millions will take to the streets, but protests will not escalate. This will trigger the political opposition forces to take advantage of the situation and the dwindling popularity of the MB and rally political support in advance of the parliamentary elections. In this scenario, the civil parties could potentially win a majority in parliament, contesting the power of the presidency. Morsi would then complete his term under pressure from the parliament. In my opinion, this would be the best-case scenario.
Fourth, Morsi will preemptively call for a referendum on his presidency, which would necessarily abort plans for June 30. This would be playing with fire, and I doubt that the MB would take such a risk.
The ‘us and them’ mentality will lead to a complete breakdown in Egypt if all parties to the present political showdown are not careful
The odium for the president and the ruling party has not appeared from thin air nor has it occurred overnight. Many who happily voted for Morsi have become disillusioned with the unacceptable actions of the Muslim Brotherhood, from hijacking the drafting process of the constitution to the unfair imprisonment of political activists, to the acquittal of the murderers of the protestors, including those who killed Khaled Said, the iconic symbol of the revolution.
The latest appointment of the founder and “prince” of Al-Gamaa Al-Islamiya, who was responsible for one of the worst terrorist attacks in Luxor in 1997, as new governor of Luxor, shows the extent to which our ability to communicate as a nation has been confounded. Though many Islamists agree that the methods of the ruling party have not been on par with the people’s expectations, they still assert that all should be forgiven in the name of God. After all, it is He who decided to confound our tongues.
The fall of Egypt’s regime and opposition
Over the past weeks, I talked with several Islamist leaders, as well as key liberal and secularist figures, along with my non-stop dialogue with average people on the street. I recorded some general observations that may serve as a doorway to understanding the nature of the ongoing crisis in Egypt, and explore what might happen in the next few days.
First
There is no connection between the current confrontation between the regime and the opposition with democracy or revolution. It is a struggle for existence and a battle of life or death that each side is trying to win. Neither camp can imagine its own survival while the other continues to exist.
In other words, Egypt’s current crisis goes beyond a reasonable political struggle that could be explained within the context of democratic dispute. It is more an attempt to banish and abort one party by the other.
It is a zero-sum game between the two sides, which is reflected in the statements of their respective leaderships and their unwillingness to show any flexibility or desire to sit down, talk or negotiate to defuse the crisis.
Second
The conflict between the two is not limited to power but is also over the state – to shape its identity, spirit and personality, and its intellectual, cultural and civilisational character based on their own whims. Both sides – Islamists and secularists – have a vision of Egypt and the universe that are almost polar opposites of each other.
Islamists believe their main mission is to rectify the identity of the Egyptian state and mold it into an Islamist identity, according to their interpretation of religion, in order to stop the symptoms of Westernisation and moral corruption that have afflicted the state at the hands of modernists and secularists.
Opponents of the Islamists believe the identity of the Egyptian state is under serious threat, and if Islamists continue in power this would mean a relapse into the Dark Ages and ignorance. This, they believe, requires immediate intervention to obliterate the threat before it’s too late – irrespective of the cost.
Thirdly
Neither side is shy about using all possible means and tools to win the battle. For example, the Muslim Brotherhood has no qualms about entering into alliances will Islamist currents – including those who adopt violent radical ideologies against their adversaries.
They have even resorted to using jihadist figures to send messages of fear and terror to political forces who plan to protest on 30 June. It appears the Brotherhood is not concerned about how much damage its image will sustain by identifying with Salafist and radical groups and by trying to use them in their battle with their opponents.
On the other hand, the Islamists’ detractors are not shy about using remnants and figures of the former regime to get rid of the Brotherhood and President Morsi, as if the revolution never took place.
Fourth
The masses have come to terms with the issue of violence, which has started to become part of the culture and general mood in Egypt.
When I talked with a taxi driver about his expectations on 30 June, I found him largely apathetic and cynical about the bloody confrontations that may occur, and the possible violence and death.
It was the same sentiment voiced by several others I talked to about the 30 June protests. This gradual normalisation and actual acceptance of violence is being manipulated and used by both sides.
Fifth
The military is still the only entity capable of defusing the current crisis and containing the political conflict before it evolves into chaos and instability. This is clear in statements by Minister of Defence General Abdel-Fattah Al-Sisi, who called on both sides to hold dialogue about how to exit the crisis.
Al-Sisi also warned against using violence “to terrorise citizens.”
In other words, the military is worried that on 30 June matters will escalate beyond control, which would require it to return to political life.
This would thwart hopes of building a genuine democratic model and force the country into another dark tunnel of ambiguity, chaos and instability. There appears to be a growing gap between the Egyptian presidency and the military, as demonstrated by Al-Sisi’s statements.
Sixth
Each side realises it cannot win the battle no matter how good their ability to mobilise the masses, and neither seems to care about the number of victims and wounded who could fall because of their political conflict.
This strips both camps of any moral cover and exposes them before public opinion. Each side has tried in the past to justify its political discourse and conduct but failed, which means those who will pay the price are the simple Egyptians who support one camp or the other.
In other words, the regime and opposition in Egypt have failed morally and ethically even before the battle of 30 June begins. This failure will not be the last in a series of regressions and setbacks that the Egyptian revolution has witnessed over the last two years.
Anti-Morsi movement
For the liberal and secular opposition, mainly those under the umbrella of the National Salvation Front (NSF), but other opposition groups such as the ‘Rebel’ (tamarod) campaign and the 6 April Youth Movement, the true barometer of their success is their ability to mobilise the population on June 30, and thereafter, to force the Muslim Brotherhood regime to make political concessions.
It remains to be seen if it will succeed, along with other opposition forces, to translate these signatures into mass rallies in the street on June 30. While all the evidence suggests that the popular mobilisation that day will be very important, the question is whether it will be merely by hundreds of thousands, or by millions of people. These figures are very important because they show the state of popular disaffection vis-à-vis the president in particular and the regime of the Brotherhood in general.
It is a crucial parameter for subsequent events, whether it is the reaction of the regime and the concessions it has to make to respond to the popular demands, or the future policy of the opposition.
Morsi regime
For the regime, the Muslim Brotherhood and its political arm, the Freedom and Justice Party (FJP), it is to overcome the test of 30 June at the lowest cost. What they want primarily is to prevent the outbreak of violence; the first to pay the price in this case would be the regime.
Previous outbreaks of violence, such as in December 2012 outside the presidential palace or in January 2013 on the second anniversary of the revolution, have all put the regime on the defensive, tarnished its image and eroded its popularity, because of police violence or forceful intervention of supporters of the Brotherhood against the demonstrators.
This time, despite the draconian security measures, including the deployment of army units in key locations in the capital, several indications show a very high risk of outbreak of violence due to a climate of high tension and extreme polarisation between the two opposing camps, the liberal opposition and the Islamist current.
On 30 June, the possible eruption of violence will be primarily between protesters and supporters of the Muslim Brotherhood and the Islamist current. The Ministry of Interior has made clear its intention to stay out of any confrontation with the demonstrators.
30 June: A crisis at the doorstep
The Brotherhood, the Islamist current — the Jama’a al-Islamiya and Salafi currents, excluding the Nour Party — and the presidency describe the opposition’s calls for early presidential elections as nonsense and see them as an attempt to overthrow a legitimate regime and abort the Islamist project for the sake of secular, liberal and leftist currents. This view of the protests renders the conflict one centred on religion as well as on politics.
Some of the opposition have described 30 June as a decisive day, one that will put an end to the “rule of the Supreme Guide of the Brotherhood.” Some Islamic preachers have meanwhile said that joining protests to call for Morsy’s ouster is forbidden, that defying Morsy’s rule is an act of disbelief and that this rebellion would be a rebellion against Islam and the Islamic project.
I did never see the people having this whole rancor against a group before. There is a huge difference between your feeling towards somebody who did a mistake against you and your feelings against a person who offended your honor.
Egypt violated by Hamas and other condemnation groups is suffering. The Nile River which is now under the custody of retired terrorists is groaning.
The souls of the martyrs are unrest in the world of secrets watching the dream of freedom and dignity becoming a dark nightmare.
Topple the tyranny. Take revenge for your betrayed revolution from people’s thieves and joy’s robbers.
But not be cruel with our cousins MB sons, they are like the Central Security soldiers. From when is our battle against the poor obedient soldiers?
The Muslim Brotherhood’s aid programs and their implications in the 2011 Egyptian revolution
The absence of the government from the public sphere provided the Brotherhood with an opportunity to win over Egyptians. The Muslim Brotherhood was able to fill an economical, material, social, and spiritual void left by the Egyptian government that had increasingly neglected to address the needs of its citizens. Regardless of these services, the government had still left Egypt in a vulnerable state, which would ultimately lead to a revolt in 2011. Although the Brotherhood’s services provided for Egyptians when the government did not, they ultimately proved to be damaging to what the revolution could have been, and what it is yet to be.
From June 29:
News of the day
Some parties are announcing that they refuse the return of the army in ruling the country or in political life. These statements are just allegations that are in the profit of a certain party. The army doesn’t want to be involved in political life but is following it very closely and will not allow any sabotage which may destroy the State.
Ahmad el Fadaly (Tamarrod general coordinator): We did not announce this step before to prevent MB attacks. But now the Court is defended by the people present in all squares.
The Supreme Court will give its verdict on this request at a certain time around the 30th of June. The Court needs to verify on the ground that this majority in the paper correspond to a real majority in the street.
The fact that the Court accepted this request is already a big step. We hope that the Court will not delay in issuing its verdict otherwise it will turn against the Court.
We did not announce this news before because we were waiting for the people’s reaction in the street to give a certain protection to the Court.
Comment: The software “MB plus” is continuing its work regardless any reaction. My wisdom is undeniable.
Statements
ElBaradei condemns all forms of violence: The more peaceful, the stronger we become
Mohamed ElBaradei condemned all forms of violence on Friday following clashes in several Egyptian cities between supporters and opponents of President Mohamed Mursi and the Muslim Brotherhood.
“I strongly condemn violence in all forms against people irrespective of their beliefs or identity. The more peaceful, the stronger we become,” he tweeted.
Comment: That’s right. We want just to say that we don’t want that MB rule us. But what will happen? MB will not move one inch. To remove us you have to kill us.
Egypt clerics warn of “civil war” as rallies begin
Egypt’s leading religious authority warned of “civil war” on Friday and called for calm after a member of the ruling Muslim Brotherhood was killed ahead of mass rallies aimed at forcing the president to quit.
United States
“We urge all parties to refrain from violence and express their views peacefully,” US State Department spokesman Patrick Ventrell said.
“And political leaders have the responsibility of taking steps to ensure that groups do not resort to violence.”
In “our opinion, all Egyptians have the right to express their opinions and concerns freely. We’ve urged the government to protect that right.”
Germany warned that Egypt’s fledgling democracy faced a “moment of truth”, and urged Morsi to implement reforms.
John Kerry urges peace in Egypt amid anti-government protests – video
US secretary of state John Kerry asks Egyptian protesters unhappy with their government’s handling of the economy to remain peaceful. Kerry, on a visit to Saudi Arabia, advises Egypt president Mohamed Morsi to improve economic and security measures with fears of weekend rallies leading to further clashes. Egypt’s army has warned it will act firmly if anti-Morsi mass public gatherings become chaotic
With Egypt unrest growing, U.S. Marines placed on ready as precaution
U.S. Marines stationed in southern Europe have been put on alert as a precaution in advance of expected large demonstrations and potential unrest in Egypt this weekend, CNN has learned.
About 200 combat capable Marines in Sigonella, Italy, and Moron, Spain, have been told to be ready to be airborne within 60 minutes of getting orders to deploy, according to two administration officials.
The units have several V-22 tilt-rotor aircraft that would carry troops and infantry weapons to Egypt to protect the U.S. Embassy and American government personnel and citizens if violence broke out against Americans.
The United States expects Egyptian security forces will be able to protect American assets and personnel. No plans for personnel to leave have been announced, State Department spokesman Patrick Ventrell said Friday.
“This is not Libya,” said the third official, alluding to last year’s attack on the U.S. mission in Benghazi.
Rumors
A strong and clear message from the U.S. administration: The use of violence will not only the rule of the Muslim Brotherhood, but will politically eliminate the Muslim Brotherhood forever.
Tamim (new Qatari Emir): MB are people who are outside the history!
Islamists protests
Islamists vow to continue Nasr City protests
Hundreds of Islamist groups returned to Rabaa al-Adaweya Square in Nasr City, Cairo, on Friday morning ahead of mass protests in support of President Mohamed Morsy.
Islamist officials said the protest would continue until 30 June.
Muslim Brotherhood spokesperson Yasser Mehrez announced that Rabaa al-Adaweya protesters would stage a sit-in until Sunday.
Mehrez told the official Freedom and Justice Party (FJP) newspaper on Friday evening: “The sit-in will be peaceful and aims to stress the principles of constitutional legitimacy and emphasize the importance of and need to preserve state institutions, and complete what is not completed.”
Tens of thousands of protesters joined the protest on Friday, dubbing it “Legitimacy is a red line,” aiming to defend the beleaguered president, Morsy.
Two military helicopters surveyed the Islamist demonstration from above.
Among the groups participating in the Nasr City rally are the Muslim Brotherhood’s Freedom and Justice Party, Jamaa al-Islamiya’s Construction and Development Party, the Salafi-oriented Asala Party, the Salafi Watan Party, and others.
Thousands of president’s supporters call his legitimacy a “red line”
“The opposition needs to avoid violence when it demonstrates,” said Assem Amr, a 22-year-old demonstrator who said he had come to Nasr City in support of Morsi’s legitimacy. “They shouldn’t threaten any Islamist group or the president himself,” he added.
“The people chose [President] Morsi and he came by way of the ballot box,” said Mohamed Abdel Baky. “Millions came out and supported him so he needs to be given the amount of time he was promised,” he said. “We need to respect our new constitution, which is a contract between the people and the president.”
Islamists arrested
90 Islamists arrested en route to pro-Morsy rally
Security forces in Qalyubiya governorate on Friday arrested 90 Islamists carrying sticks, Molotov cocktails and gasoline cans en route to a Cairo rally supporting President Mohamed Morsy in Nasr City.
A bus and 3 micro-buses loaded with the 90 Islamists carrying weapons were seized by security forces in collaboration with popular committees at the Kafr Shokr checkpoint, a Qalyubiya Security Directorate statement said Friday.
Following the arrests, one vehicle tried to escape and hit two passers-by.
The injured were transferred to hospital. Hundreds of Kafr Shokr residents imposed a cordon around the police station to prevent the arrested Islamists from escaping.
Comment by a reader
What do the pro-Mursi demonstrators need arms, gasoline cans and Molotov cocktails for while claiming it is an anti-violence protest? And how come opposition party members detected their arms? Wouldn’t that be the job of the police/security forces? And why does it need the help of residents to prevent the “arrested” from escaping. What kind of “arrest” is that if they can easily escape, hitting passers-by on their way?
Tahrir
Thousands rally against Morsy in Tahrir
Thousands flocked to Tahrir Square Friday to demand President Mohamed Morsy’s stand down and hold early presidential elections.
Protesters chanted against Morsy and the Brotherhood.
“Down with the rule of the supreme guide,” demonstrators chanted, echoing calls heard across Egypt on Friday against Muslim Brotherhood Supreme Guide Mohamed Badie. “Leave!” others could be heard chanting.
“The people want to bring down the regime,” the crowds said.
Entrances to Tahrir Square, except the road from Simon Bolivar Square, have been closed since Friday morning with metal barriers.
Traffic has been prevented from entering the square as more marchers join the protests.
Popular committees were stationed at entrances to inspect IDs, in attempts to prevent criminals infiltrating the expressly peaceful protest.
Clashes between demonstrators in “Mohamed Mahmoud for cheering against the military
Popular committees asked them not to protest against the military council. So anti-military protestor took his shoes and bit them. Fights between those who are claiming: The people and the army one hand and the other group.
Death and injuries
US citizen stabbed to death in Egypt’s Alexandria
A US citizen was killed in the Egyptian port city of Alexandria on Friday during clashes between supporters and opponents of President Mohamed Morsi, bringing the city’s total death toll on Friday to two.
The American man died from a stab wound to the chest, according to Amin Ezz El-Din, head of Alexandria’s security directorate.
Ezz El-Din said the young American had been taking pictures with his mobile phone near one of the offices of the Muslim Brotherhood, the group from which President Morsi hails, when he was attacked by unknown assailants.
The victim was rushed to a military hospital where he succumbed to his injuries.
Security sources told Ahram Online’s correspondent that the victim’s name is Victor Andrew. He was a 21-year-old photojournalist.
An Egyptian protester was also killed Friday in Alexandria in clashes between supporters and opponents of President Morsi. “All kinds of weapons, including live fire” were used in the melee, said Ezz El-Din.
Health Ministry: 3 dead after Delta clashes
The Health Ministry has announced a third death in violent street clashes between supporters and opponents of President Mohamed Morsy witnessed in Mansoura on Wednesday.
One dead, five injured in Port Said explosion
One person was killed and five others were injured after an explosion rocked a march in Port Said’s al-Shohadaa Square on Friday night, al-Jazeera Mubasher Misr reported.
Port Said’s security headquarters’ director is investigating the scene of the explosion with a bomb squad.
The total number of injured people is not known yet, deputy head of the Health Ministry in Port Said said.
Governorates protests
Thousands rally against Morsy across Egypt, scores injured in clashes
Alexandria
Thousands of protesters demonstrated in Alexandria after Friday prayers, part of a nationwide wave of rallies calling for President Mohamed Morsy’s resignation which has seen opponents and supporters of the beleaguered Islamist regime clash, injuring scores.
Demonstrators launched a march in front of Alexandria’s Qa’ed Ibrahim Mosque, before heading to the city’s Sidi Gaber area, where hundreds of supporters were gathering in front of the administrative office of the Freedom and Justice Party, the political arm of the Muslim Brotherhood.
Protesters were heard chanting slogans against the regime and the ruling Muslim Brotherhood. They also raised red cards and blowed whistles, while drivers on the corniche sounded their horns.
Clashes meanwhile broke out between a number of Muslim Brotherhood supporters and protesters in Sidi Gaber, while opposition protesters set the Brotherhood Freedom and Justice Party’s (FJP) offices in the city.
Birdshot was reportedly fired, with eyewitnesses confirming that no less than 10 people were injured.
The wounded were transferred to nearby hospitals.
Protesters arrested a pro-Morsy protester who allegedly used birdshot and beat him up before handing him over to security forces in the Northern Military District.
Daqahlia
Nineteen people were also reported injured on Friday afternoon following clashes in Aga City, Daqahlia governorate.
Security sources told Al-Masry Al-Youm that some of the victims sustained birdshots and were transferred to hospitals for treatment.
Protesters against Morsy started a march that roamed the city before heading to the local FJP headquarters which they torched, eyewitnesses said.
The protesters clashed with party members responsible for securing the office.
Gharbiya
Several cities and villages in Gharbiya staged protests after Friday prayers to demand Morsy’s departure. Protesters said Morsy had to leave after he failed to adequately run the country or the economy. Marchers complained of shortage in goods and services such as fuel, electricity and water.
Tens of thousands participated in protests and marches, chanting against the Muslim Brotherhood as well as expressing anger at Morsy’s divisive speech on Wednesday.
Tanta
In Tanta, around 30,000 protesters staged marches and gathered on al-Shohadaa Square demanding Morsy’s departure.
Kafr al Zayyat
In Kafr al-Zayyat, approximately 20,000 protesters gathered on al-Sa’a Square with banners calling for Morsy to leave.
“Down with the rule of the supreme guide,” one read, referring to the leader of the Muslim Brotherhood, Mohamed Badie.
Basyoun
In Basyoun, around 10,000 protesters staged marches in 23 of July Street and gathered at al-Mahatta Square.
Scores of demonstrators attempted to break into the headquarters of the FJP in Basyoun, but Brotherhood supporters stationed inside the building prevented them.
Protesters had marched from Basyoun to the local Islamist party building, later joined by another from al-Qadaba village.
Demonstrators threw stones at the Islamists inside for more than half an hour.
Zagazig
Thousands took part in a march in Zagazig, Sharqiya, raising red cards to demand President Mohamed Morsy’s departure and bringing an end to the Muslim Brotherhood rule.
Hundreds joined the march on its way to the sit-in of revolutionary forces against Morsy in al-Mohafza Street.
They chanted: “I am not an infidel. Down with the rule of the supreme guide.”
Dozens of drivers encouraged protesters with beeps, especially near gas stations. They held red cards while waiting in traffic.
Protesters held 2 symbolic coffins, one for Morsy and the other for Supreme Guide Mohamed Badie. They held images mocking US Ambassador Anne Patterson.
Tamarrod
Tamarod: Young volunteers will secure 30 June protests
Young volunteers will secure entrances to protest and sit-in sites ahead of this weekend’s planned demonstrations, Tamarod spokesperson Hassan Shaheen said.
Groups of volunteers will inspect the IDs of participants entering protest sites, he added.
Shaheen told Al-Masry Al-Youm that the campaign would confront any attempts to stir up trouble among demonstrators in order to keep the rally peaceful.
He pointed out that the Tamarod campaign demanded that all participants raise the flag of Egypt on 30 June only and maintain unity in its stated attempts to call for early presidential elections.
Shaheen called on the police and security forces to carry out their role and protect demonstrators, without bias towards or against any political faction.
Egyptian army
Military in streets to avert 28 January-like violence: Egypt army spokesman
Armed forces spokesman says Egyptian military has deployed to protect citizenry, property as supporters, opponents of Egypt’s embattled presidency brace for open-ended protest
Military forces currently deployed nationwide are aimed at protecting Egyptian citizens and property, armed forces spokesman Ahmed Ali declared Friday.
“These measures are being taken to avoid a 28 January 2011 scenario,” Ali told Egyptian state news agency MENA, referring to violence that ensued during Egypt’s 2011 mass protests that eventually ousted president Hosni Mubarak.
MB
MB: Calling for early presidential elections is a political infantilism
Brotherhood spokesman: Police, thugs attacked group’s HQs
Muslim Brotherhood spokesman Gehad al-Haddad accused the police, members of the disbanded National Democratic Party and people whom he called thugs of attacking eight headquarters belonging to both the Brotherhood and its Freedom and Justice Party on Friday.
Two headquarters were torched and all were looted, al-Haddad wrote on Twitter.
Eyewitnesses reported that anti-Mursi and -Muslim Brotherhood attacked the Brotherhood’s and its party’s headquarters in Alexandria, Kafr al-Sheikh, Beheira, Daqahliya and Sharqiya.
At pro-Morsi rally, Brotherhood’s top cleric appeals for non-violent protest
Speaking before tens of thousands of supporters of President Morsi in Cairo, Muslim Brotherhood leader Abdel-Rahman El-Bar condemns recent political violence, appeals for ‘peaceful protest’
“We know that the voice of peace is louder than that of the gun,” he said. “We are one
“Your incitement of violence will always haunt you,” he said of leaders of the opposition. “The people will not forget those who incited against Islam and incited violence.”
Comment: Nothing will stop us except the grave.
Muslim Brotherhood, FJP offices attacked throughout Egypt
Offices of the Muslim Brotherhood’s Freedom and Justice Party (FJP) in different Egyptian governorates were reportedly raided and torched on Friday.
In the Nile Delta governorate of Daqahliya, the FJP’s office was set on fire by protesters after the latter claimed to have heard shotguns being discharged from the building, eyewitnesses told Al-Ahram’s Arabic-language news website.
The office remains besieged by thousands of protesters.
Eyewitnesses also told Al-Ahram that the number of injured were estimated at ten, including four who had since been transferred to hospital.
Meanwhile, in Alexandria, which has seen clashes between the two rival camps since Friday afternoon, the FJP’s office in the coastal city’s Sidi Gaber district was set on fire.
A Muslim Brotherhood office was also reportedly attacked in the Nile Delta Beheira governorate.
In a statement issued by Ikhwan Online, the Brotherhood’s official website, the group accused former regime elements and members of the ‘Rebel’ campaign – who they called “thugs” – of being behind the attack in Beheira.
“The attackers looted the office,” the statement read. “Although the party’s young cadres appealed for help, police have refused to intervene.”
The Nile Delta Gharbiya and Kafr Al-Sheikh governorates, meanwhile, also witnessed attacks on the Islamist group’s offices.
The attacks come as rival protests – both for and against President Mohamed Morsi, propelled to power last year by the Muslim Brotherhood – take place in governorates throughout Egypt.
On Saturday, the Islamist group’s office in Morsi’s hometown of Zagazig in the Nile Delta was also attacked, leaving one dead and 26 injured.
On Friday evening, there were reports that the Freedom and Justice Party’s headquarters in Al-Khanka in Qalioubiya governorate were raided by locals, according to state-owned news agency MENA.
According to eyewitnesses, the office was empty at the time of the attack
Eyewitnesses: Residents storm FJP headquarters in Alexandria’s Hadra
Eyewitnesses reported that “snipers” on rooftops of buildings in Sidi Gaber area near the Brotherhood’s administrative office in Alexandria were aiming at the demonstrators.
The snipers disappeared once five Armed Forces aircrafts flew at low altitudes above the area, they said.
FJP: NDP thugs committed violent actions against us under “tamarrod” umbrella.
Assem Abdel Maged: The opposition members are stupid and put their head under the guillotine.
Malek and el Shater are following the events from Hurghada
Comment: so what? If somebody is in love with Mubarak, what’s the matter of his mother?
Judiciary
Judges’ Club to take legal action against Mursi for insulting judiciary
Egypt’s Judges’ Club has decided to take legal action against President Mohamed Mursi because of what the club called his insults to the judiciary in his latest speech, Judge Medhat Yassin, deputy head of the Court of Cassation, said.
“I challenge you, Mursi, to present whatever evidence you have against Judge Ali al-Nemr,” Ahmed al-Zend said at a press conference on Friday.
Free Media
Ministry threatens private television channels with shutdown
Egypt’s Ministry of Investment sent a letter to several private television channels including CBC, Dream and ON TV threatening them with immediate closure without awaiting a court ruling.
The ministry based its threat on a previous administrative court ruling that entitles the ministry to shut down those channels in case of violations such as not committing to the ethics of dialogue, disrespecting objectivity and inciting violence.
In its letter, the ministry said that the public free media zone’s board of directors will remain convened to monitor the media performance of satellite channels.
ONTV among TV channels receiving “warnings” of closure
The General Authority for Investment sent an official statement to ONTV, as well as several other channels, warning of shutting down the channel if “legal limits” concerned with “insulting and offending” figures are crossed.
Gamal El Shennawy, the editor in chief of ONTV said on air that letter set states limits that would “suffocate media outlets”. He also added that the statement highlighted the fact that the authorities will not refer wait for a court ruling to shut the channel but will have to take matters in its own hands.
“As far as I know the statement was not only sent to us but to CBC as well and other channels, anyways we won’t be scared off and we will continue on our path” El Shennawy added.
On Saturday, the channel officials are going to meet with their lawyers to discuss how they will respond, confirmed El Shennawy.
The General Authority for Investment is a government agency that works for the Ministry of Investment and is in charge of private media outlets like ONTV.
Al Faraeen Channel shut down mid-broadcast
Al Faraeen channel was abruptly shut down Thursday night in the midst of a live programme hosted by the channel’s owner Tawfiq Okasha.
During the broadcast Okasha called on viewers for help and protection against the Muslim Brotherhood. “Save me from the terrorists” he said, just minutes before the channel was shut down.
While on air, Okasha also listed names of television presenters and journalists whom, he claimed, the police forces plan to arrest.
According to the Al Faraeen channel’s official twitter account, Okasha has been arrested and cannot be found. Police forces, however, have denied arresting him.
No one at the channel responded to requests for comment.
Hallucinations
‘We will not allow the return of Mubarak officials or military’: Opposition groups
Several opposition forces released a statement on Thursday asserting that they would not accept the return of former Mubarak-era officials to power as an alternative to President Morsi and his regime.
“The revolution will not tolerate any opportunists who aim for personal gain,” the statement read, adding “We will not allow for the return of Mubarak [officials] or the military.”
The opposition forces, which include the April 6 Youth Movement, the Revolutionary Socialists, and the Strong Egypt Party lead by Abdel-Moneim Abul-Fotouh, said that the January 25 Revolution did not end when the Egyptian people brought down Mubarak in 2011.
“The struggle did not stop because we continue to face the same regime, even if it has a military or a religious facade,” the statement read.
Comment: Who is talking about Mubarak’s return? These groups: 6 April, Revolutionary Socialists and Strong Egypt (Abul Futuh) are the hidden MB army. When you read the roadmap you will not find any mention for these stupidities. We will have parliamentary and presidential elections and the people will choose whoever they want. Or maybe they want to put restrictions to the “minor” people?
Whoever will talk about remnants, military and Mubarak in these days want to implement MB strategy to divide the Egyptian people. “We will decide who has the right to protest against MB”. The Egyptian people have also the right to ask some groups to shut up.
One of 6 April leaders (Engi) said that we will confront MB without Mubarak people, without Shafiq supporters, without the military. Is she stupid? Get rid of this nightmare then decide what to do, or maybe they are still adore their big achievement in 25th January to the point that they prefer to eat shit but not to recognize that they had been responsible of taking us to this point?
Videos to watch
VIDEO: Tens of thousands in Tahrir Square demand President Morsi step down
Anti-Morsi protesters in Cairo’s flashpoint Tahrir Square, galvanised by the ‘Rebel’ signature campaign, call for the ouster of Egypt’s embattled Islamist president
Throughout the day, numbers increased in Cairo’s Tahrir Square, as protesters gathered to demand the departure of President Mohamed Morsi. They also called for the temporary handover of executive power to the head of Egypt’s High Constitutional Court until snap presidential elections can be held.
VIDEO: Islamists show support for Morsi in mass rally
PHOTO GALLERY: Political violence erupts in Egypt’s Alexandria
Qatar
Qatar emir to change style but keep father’s policies
In his first address to the nation late on Wednesday, Sheikh Tamim bin Hamad al-Thani focused on what he called his government’s “top priority” of promoting development in the Gulf state.
“Qatar will not change its policy. But it’s normal for a new team to choose a new style in the exercising of power,” said Emirati analyst Abdulkhaleq Abdulla.
Articles
- Participate.
- Be peaceful.
- Only Egypt’s flag.
- Don’t follow some calls against the army and the police. (By the way, what 6 April understood from Morsi’s speech is that he flattered the army and the police, so down both of them).
- Don’t eat anything from the square, could be polluted and contaminated, let’s remember the “hawawshy meal” in Mohamed Mahmud.
- Stay in the square until we get a result. Don’t forget that it took 18 days for Mubarak to resign. For Morsy maybe we will need a longer or shorter period.
The new government after the reckless (irresponsible) departure
Morsy has three choices:
- To apologize and to surrender to the presidential guard to be tried for all the crimes he committed.
- To escape to his tribe in Hamas or to find a mountain in Sinai and settle there.
- To continue in his stubbornness until he reaches Qadhafi’s fate.
After this preamble the author gave a detailed list for the new government with multiple choices.
The time has come to realize the dreams of the Egyptians, after the removal of those crazy vandals. Let us together kick them out in the history garbage.
Much of the opposition, who view Morsi as incompetent and authoritarian, hope Egypt’s military will intervene and facilitate a transition of power. Morsi, inaugurated last year as Egypt’s first democratically elected president, emphasised in a speech on Wednesday that he was the army’s commander-in-chief. But a senior military source said the army may act if protests reach the same scale as those that toppled Mubarak in 2011.
Such an outcome would not be taken lying down by Morsi’s supporters. “This would not be like the fall of Mubarak,” said Nathan Brown, professor of Middle Eastern politics at George Washington University. “A lot of people co-operated with the Mubarak regime, but there were very few who would voluntarily and enthusiastically turn out on the streets for him. The Brotherhood is very different.”
To the pupil Mohamed Morsi: try to learn
I sincerely advise you, o man, to listen to the millions gathered in the squares. Understand and learn. You are now in a “repeated exam”. It is not a shame that the president sit as a clever and flexible pupil in the people’s school.
The Brotherhood as the Jihadi Source

Egyptian Foreign Minister Sameh Shoukry recently called the Muslim Brotherhood the source of all extremist ideology. The article does not give a detailed rationale, though the accusation is repeated often by many anti-Islamists in Egypt.
This article in al-Monitor, however, explains how it works:
The Islamists see a wide systematic conflict between the Brotherhood and Salafist jihadist groups, from which IS defected. However, one of the defectors from a Salafist jihadist group in Sinai (which the sheikh did not name) believes that the Brotherhood is the main generator of organizations fighting in the name of religion.
The jihadist — who defected from Salafist jihadism but still believes in the jihadist ideology — told Al-Monitor on condition of anonymity, “Jihadist groups classify the Brotherhood as democratic, whose way of ruling is no different than that of political regimes.
There are fundamental differences, on both the systematic and doctrinal levels between the Brotherhood and the jihadists. It is a political group with an Islamic cover that aims at political reform, and does not mind the idea of jihad, but under terms that are subject to political calculations and interests. The jihadists, however, believe that this [ideology] is a blasphemy and that those who follow politics and leave jihad are secular infidels, even if they constantly repeat Islamic slogans.”
So the two entities are against each other in tactics, but the Brotherhood is an incubator for later jihadi action:
The jihadist said, “The Brotherhood is the oldest organization that has the most experience in lobbying human resources. It educates its cadres from childhood, teaching them jihadist slogans and explaining to them the [importance] of establishing an Islamic caliphate and applying Sharia. [They say], ‘Allah is our objective, the prophet is our idol and the Quran is our constitution; jihad is our fate, and death for the sake of Allah is our highest aspiration.’”
He added, “This is how the Brotherhood is the main generator of jihadist groups, as I previously mentioned. Complicated political differences often emerge between the Brotherhood and its political opponents, such as the harsh violence [campaign] launched by the Egyptian army against the Brotherhood. These political differences reached their peak following the bloody Rabia al-Adawiya massacre.
When such incidents occur, the Brotherhood youths rush to come up with mobilizing jihadist slogans and deviate from the Muslim Brotherhood’s path. They either turn to extremist [organizations], such as IS, or they turn to the radical right or convert to atheism when they realize that the jihadist and religious group [they belong to] cannot protect them from death.”
The Brotherhood is clear it is in support of jihad as a core and central concept of Islam. In other documents aligned ideologues declare they seek a caliphate. Brotherhood supporters have many answers to smooth the jagged edges of these religious terms, and alternate interpretations are possible.
But if the accusative warning of the foreign minister is heeded, the choice is between a slow ascent into a jihadist caliphate, or a bloody effort to birth one.
The international system has rules of governance, and respect for democratic choice is one of its pillars. While open jihadist groups like ISIS reject the system altogether, the Brotherhood seeks to work within it. But as this anonymous sheikh explains, the line between them is fluid.
So what is the answer? Hope that inclusion moderates core Brotherhood conviction? Or stamp out a confessedly democratic movement? Apply international pressure against the illiberal and jihadist impulses of popularly-chosen sharia? Or put out the fires of violence-bent radicals around the world?
Tough choices. Suggestions?
The police stand in service to the people. They stand also in service to the law. At times there is heroism, at times there is error. But at all times there must be accountability.
This week there was.
An officer was sentenced 15 years in prison for the killing of an unarmed protestor. The case of Shaima al-Sabagh, carrying flowers to lay at Tahrir Square for the revolutionary anniversary, took both media and presidential attention. Perhaps he did not mean to kill. Perhaps there are others needing accountability beside. Perhaps this ruling is an exception. Perhaps it is a precedent.
A human rights organization released a report implicating police in implicitly endorsing the forced displacement of Copts from their homes. The case of Copts in Beni Suef, where a Facebook post by a relative in Jordan resulted in 18 forced from their home, took both media and presidential attention. They have returned home, but so far none have been held accountable, either in the mob or the police.
Perhaps it is an exception, but perhaps media accountability can also set a precedent.
But in Luxor, the police foiled the plans of a suicide bomber to kill visiting tourists. Intercepted beforehand, he blew himself up but few suffered injuries. Positive accountability is in order.
God, honor the police. Equip them to do their job faithfully. Give them the support necessary, both popular and legal.
Deal justly with things go awry. Deal justly with superiors. Deal justly with the system. Preserve the faith of the people and the rule of the law.
Comfort the family and colleagues of Shaima in this verdict. Reconcile the Copts of Beni Suef to their neighbors. Let freedom of expression be received without bullets. Let community justice be issued without exile.
And amid all the controversies, help the police in the hard job against terrorism. Spare Egypt further tragedy. Stabilize the nation, bring back tourism and investment, and help Egyptians to live in peace.
May the police enable as they serve the people. But hold them—and all—accountable, in service to the law.
Amen.
A Christian Captain for Iranian Soccer

Yesterday I posted about religious contradiction in Saudi Arabia. Today posts a Guardian article about Iran, in the other direction:
The 32-year-old midfielder, known as Ando – or Samurai, due to his hairstyle – is not shy of showing his Christianity, often crossing himself on the field. In April, Teymourian, who has played for Bolton Wanderers and Fulham, became the first Christian to lead Iran’s football team as its permanent captain. “I’m happy that as a Christian I play in a Muslim team,” he said in a recent interview. “I have Armenian roots but I hold the Iranian passport and I’m proud of that, I hold my flag high. I hope I can enhance the good reputation of Armenian people in Iran.” Ethnic Armenians make up the majority of Iran’s estimated 300,000 Christians.
This is their situation:
Although Islam is Iran’s official religion, it recognises Christians, Jews and Zoroastrians as accepted religious minorities. They are permitted their house of worship and usual religious services, and have reserved seats in the Iranian parliament. In a country where alcohol and pigmeat are forbidden, Christians are allowed to distil booze and eat pork. There are at least 600 churches in Iran, including the sixth-century St Mary Church of Tabriz, mentioned by Marco Polo in his travel book. The adjacent province of West Azerbaijan boasts the ancient St Thaddeus Monastery, a Unesco world heritage site. When Hassan Rouhani came to power in 2013, he appointed Ali Younesi, a former intelligence minister, to serve as his special assistant in minorities’ affairs. It was the first time such a position had been created. Significant improvements have since been made but many big challenges remain.
Among them:
Iran also remains highly sensitive towards the issue of conversion. Muslims who convert to other religions risk being arrested. More than 90 are behind bars, including pastor Saeed Abedini, who holds an Iranian American citizenship. Muslims whose denominations are not accepted by Iran, such as Gonabadi dervishes, face persecution, with many of their members in jail.
Perhaps Iran is trying to polish up its image, especially vis-a-vis Saudi Arabia. In their regional battle for supremacy, everything counts. But being the captain of the national soccer team is a big deal. I’m guessing they don’t play political games with that.
But here is an interesting question for Christians in the West:
As Iran’s national football team prepared to head to the World Cup last year, Andranik Teymourian stood next to his teammates while they lined up to kiss the holy Islamic book, the Qur’an, as part of the farewell ceremony. Although he is not a Muslim, the Iranian Armenian didn’t want to rock the boat and so performed the ritual for travellers, which is a quintessential part of Iranian culture. The cleric holding up the Qur’an could hardly disguise his amusement at the scene.
The description here doesn’t seem quite right. If it is ‘a quintessential part of Iranian culture’ surely he has done it already, before becoming captain. And if so, why would the cleric be in amusement? Or, did they previously allow him to decline, but as captain he thought best to do so and represent his team? More information is necessary, but let us assume the article is correct in both this description and in the sincerity of Teymourian’s Christian faith. There is always a mix between religion and culture, but Western Christians don’t often have to think too deeply about this, as the mix is in their favor. Perhaps this is changing, some would say. But for Christians within a different mix, where should the lines be drawn? Teymourian has been honored for his play and leadership. Did he do well, or compromise? What would you have done?

The Washington Institute interprets the targeting of Shiites in Saudi Arabia as hitting at a vulnerable point in their religio-political ideology:
Over the past two weeks, the so-called “Islamic State” (IS) has claimed two attacks on Shiite mosques in Saudi Arabia’s Shiite-majority Eastern Province, one in Dammam and the other in Qatif. While the incidents might not have an immediate impact on the kingdom’s overall security, they are relevant to long-term IS strategy of weakening the Saudi government by exposing its alleged hypocrisy.
A nation-state is home to all its citizens. But …
By attacking the Eastern Province, IS seeks to place Riyadh in the position of defending or appeasing Shiites, at the expense of a Saudi Wahhabist state ideology that does not tread too far from that of IS (e.g., Saudi schools teach students that Shiites are unbelievers and not Muslims).
The article describes how official government response has been to condemn the attack and offer condolences to its victims. By international standards this is the absolute minimum requirement. Not mentioned is the bounty Saudi Arabia offered for information leading to the criminals.
But The Islamic State is not interested in the international standards:
From the Islamic State’s perspective, such actions highlight Riyadh’s rank hypocrisy, showing “true” believers in the “land of the two holy places” how the Saudi state is contravening both God and its own founding standards. By casting themselves as the true bearers of Islam, IS leaders hope to draw more recruits and supporters.
The Saudi government is in a tricky spot. A long time ago they made a deal with you know who. Is it now coming due?



























